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Tracing this robust civic discourse will take us through several crucial arenas of late antique and early medieval thought. The first section of this article focuses on the most interior, and most figurative, strains of civic discourse: those pertaining to the construction of the individual's mind and soul. Here I examine the motif of the mind as a fortified citadel, the casting of ecclesiastical and secular leaders as city walls, and the extension of civic terminology to preeminently non-urban places, such as monasteries. The second section analyzes how cities could be granted human qualities through the rhetorical technique of personification and considers how the personified city and its saints could serve to encourage citizens to virtuous action and praise, particularly through urban processions. The third section turns to civic encomia and invectives, showing how these exhortatory texts tied the virtues and vices of citizens to the maintenance or neglect of city walls. The fourth and final section presents a historical and epigraphical case study of Pope Leo IV's two programs of mural construction in ninth-century Rome.

More specifically, it was the Renaissance of the Quattrocento, in the totality of its manifestation, that lay the foundations and opened up the horizon of a new modern culture and the invention of a new world. It was the cultural—in particular, the technological and scientific—achievement of the Quattrocento that set man in his historical condition, at grips with the realities of existence and with the freedom to make himself in whatever shape he chose. Unavoidably, when Renaissance man discovered himself and his freedom vis-à-vis history, he also discovered new worlds and new perspectives. The New World existed not only in the mind, as it had for centuries, but in the reality of human geography. Columbus’s discovery of America, which was understood as an epochal event in history, opening up a new sense of space and time, literally, a new future, was made possible by the sciences of the Quattrocento whereby the understanding of the shape of the Earth was altered. One man, writing out of Spain, immediately grasped the significance and uniqueness of the event of Columbus’s discovery: Pietro Martire di Anghiera, known to us as Peter Martyr d’Anghiera, secretary to Cardinal Ascanio Sforza. Born in Anghiera on Lake Maggiore in 1457, Peter Martyr became the first historian of the New World, just as Columbus can be called its first writer. His De Orbe Novo (The Eight Decades) contains chronicles about Columbus, Spain, and the Spanish court written between 1494 and 1526. They were meant for Sforza and were read by Pope Leo X and, eventually, by Pope Clement VII. The letters reveal Peter to be a model of the Renaissance man insofar as he was intellectually equipped to understand the novelties of his times.


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We see diplomatic missives, military updates, love letters, and family correspondence; letters of urgent necessity, touching sincerity, political exigency, mundane domesticity, and unscrupulous subterfuge: letters are the main form of communication among the Italian nobles, and between the outside world and the world of the Medici military camp. The personified symbol of this world built on epistolary communication is Pietro Aretino, who is the first character we hear and see speak in the film. He is inextricably linked to the epistolary form, not only through his extra-filmic bibliography, but also within the film: this association is established, after the initial epigraph, by the first words we hear, which, as noted above, are spoken by Aretino and are lifted out of his letter to Francesco degli Albizi. The first letter we see is also in the hands of Aretino, as he takes down Giovanni’s dictation for a dispatch to Francesco Maria della Rovere, the commanding general of the Pontifical army. With these two firsts, Olmi, through the character of Aretino, establishes the epistle, both aurally and visually, as the primary means of diegetic communication. Indeed, although he is not always on camera, and although other characters occasionally recite letters, Aretino remains the primary narrative voice and letter writer for the entire movie. This is not to say that he is the prime focalizer of the film, though there are a few important scenes that highlight Aretino’s role as witness and chronicler, which I will address shortly. Aretino’s narration is not limited to letters. Olmi highlights Aretino’s role as narrator explicitly, both at the outset of the film and in two separate scenes during which Giovanni, in moments of disquietude, asks Aretino to read aloud to him: the first time, the writer reads a quote from Machiavelli; the second time, we see him begin to read, but do not hear his voice. Indeed, for Olmi, Aretino comes to represent the very concept of textuality in the film.

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Cover illustration: Universalis MVNDI. Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Yale University.


In an age in which tax collection could be spotty and the burden of payment unevenly distributed between rural and urban locales, Decembrio lauds the Milanese state for its fairness, thoroughness, and competence. It is precisely this sort of evenhandedness and efficiency that Decembrio emphasizes when discussing Milan’s foreign policy, as in the passage discussing the war against Florence. Both the Laudatio and the Panegyricus present arguments for their respective city’s superiority, but while Bruni’s offers an exclusive vision of preeminence, Decembrio finds that Milanese greatness can be coextensive with that of her rivals. In addition, Decembrio’s pride in the efficiency of the tax collection and in the sum collected substantiates the tacit assumption in this oration that Milan plays Sparta to Florence’s Athens. Bruni’s classical model had been the second-century Panathenaicus of Aelius Aristides, itself an imitation of Isocrates’s panegyric of the same name. The comparison is therefore a natural one for Decembrio, but he succeeds in making it while also suggesting that Milan’s role is far greater than simply that of Florence’s principal antagonist. Indeed, one of the major differences between Decembrio’s panegyric and Bruni’s is the extent to which Decembrio places Milan within a northern Italian political and geographic context. Bruni tends to refer to features of the native Tuscan landscape when describing the vicinity of Florence while Decembrio, though he makes reference to corresponding features in praising Milan, draws links with specific Italian cities, notably a long history of (often aggressive) interaction with Venice.

The ongoing development of ever more sophisticated means of communications engenders an increasingly rapid turnover of people, ideas, technologies, and financial resources throughout the globe, particularly across the Pacific Ocean, from North America to the Far East (or the Far West). This process seems to parallel the analogous shift that began to take place more than five hundred years ago across the Atlantic. In light of these current global challenges, New Worlds and the Italian Renaissance engages in an examination of the essential values of our culture. The papers in this volume are arranged thematically in four parts. Part One explores the origins and repercussions of a key event in the transition to modernity: Columbus’s journey to the West Indies. Giuseppe Mazzotta describes the discovery of the New World as the outcome of both religious fervor and the diffusion of scientific knowledge from the cultural laboratory of Quattrocento Florence. If faith and science were inextricably intertwined from Columbus’s perspective, their relationship was fraught by the traumatic aftermath of his discovery, characterized as it was by the fierce debates on the legitimacy of the occupation of the West Indies.


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Decembrio’s text diverges from the Laudatio both in its more theoretical examination of the political philosophy of Milanese government and especially in its emphasis on Milan’s military might. The passage of the Panegyricus most often cited by historians of political thought contains a review of Plato’s five regimes which he outlined in The Republic. Decembrio argues that Florence’s government is inferior to that of Milan because it is an oligarchy.


Erasmus acknowledges Turpilius as his source for this formulation. Although the “letter as conversation” was a common classical and humanist concept, it was not universal. Poliziano, for example, disputes this view, and insists upon the difference in nature between writing and speech.

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Clearly, natural law is identified with the principle of reason. This is Aquinas’s philosophical understanding and it became central to Cajetan’s and to the theological ruminations of Las Casas’s contemporary and theorist of neo-Scholasticism, Francisco de Vitoria (1485–1546).

Decembrio’s tract counters these ambitions both by attempting to curry favor with potential allies and by casting Venetian conquests as selfaggrandizing seizures of power against Milanese military exploits that seek only to protect Italy. At the moment the panegyric was written, Alfonso of Aragon was striving to secure the throne of Naples, which Queen Giovanna II had promised him when she named him her heir in 1421. A rival claimant to the throne, René d’Anjou, maintained that Giovanna’s will had named him her heir. He was supported by the Neapolitans and until 1435 by Filippo Maria. Pope Eugene IV, however, backed Alfonso. None of these facts are present anywhere in the Panegyricus, but they need not be, for the details of the struggle for the Neapolitan succession would have been familiar throughout Italy. Filippo Maria’s previous support for René d’Anjou is excised from the historical record, which suggests that Milanese diplomacy at this stage was concerned with a pragmatic overture— or at the very least, a testing of the waters—toward the formation of an anti-Venetian league.


The tactic that Aretino employed is typical of his subtle understanding of the desires of the public, of the instability of his position and of his text, and of the possibilities afforded him by the technology of the printing press. It would have been easy enough to simply reprint the original text of the first edition in a smaller, less expensive format, but Aretino takes the opportunity of the second edition to add twenty-five new letters to his collection. The motivations were probably manifold for this decision.

The very idea that a book of letters could represent a form of instant cultural impact, and a not irrelevant source of income for an author, was unthinkable before the advent of the printing press. Aretino was the first to see and seize upon this possibility and in so doing he changed the European literary and cultural landscapes.


As these varied texts and contexts indicate, civic discourse penetrated to the core of late antique and early medieval thinking about how individuals and communities should structure their actions. It provided a framework for mental fortification, a vocabulary for praising exemplary individuals, and a flexible iconography which could be adapted even to non-urban places like monasteries. The primary link between each of these uses of civic terminology consists in the need for one's civitas to be guarded, to be defended, and to be peopled with virtue.

He was much admired in his day, and died at an early age. These characteristics make of Tibullus an ancient counterpart to Giovanni de’ Medici. Unless noted otherwise, translations of Tibullus’s poetry are from Albius Tibullus, Tibullus: Elegies, trans.


The key to the stratospheric success of Aretino’s Lettere was not only the letters’ content. First, his use of the vernacular allowed for a much larger public than the traditional Latin letter collections, even as he expanded and cultivated the very language he used; second, Aretino took great advantage of the advent of perhaps the most influential technology of the age: the printing press.

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I will make the argument however, that Olmi succeeds at filling with meaning the historical death which opens the film. For Baudrillard’s take on history in film, see Jean Baudrillard, Simulacra and Simulation, trans.

No longer are the archetypal letter collections necessarily those that transmit eternal truths to posterity, as is the case, for instance, with Petrarch’s collections. Aretino’s letters, especially from the second edition of the Libro primo onwards, are concerned with the hic et nunc, the contemporary social and political scenes: and that is precisely what his readers were hungry for.


We would also like to thank Millicent Marcus (Department of Italian Language and Literature) for her unwavering support throughout the organizational process of the conference, as well as the department’s administrative assistant, Ann De Lauro. Last, but certainly not least, we are thankful to our keynote speaker and chair of the Department of Italian Language and Literature, Giuseppe Mazzotta. The very scope of this project (try here) is a reflection of his sustained and inspiring engagement with the foundations of modernity.

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The essays presented in the following pages do not pretend to provide comprehensive answers to the elemental questions they address. Rather, they are intended as an invitation to further inquiry into the constantly shifting boundaries of modernity’s new worlds.


Yet civic discourse does not only refer to the terminology and iconography transmitted from the classical and biblical past into late antique and early medieval contexts. Just as importantly, it encompasses the words and phrases, hymns and prayers ascribed to citizens and even, at times, attributed to cities themselves. In order to understand how the city speaks, we must attend to all of its voices. This study will explore how civic discourse in late antique and early medieval texts describing the city, as well as epigraphic inscriptions carved onto the fabric of the city, both incorporated an inherited language and found striking ways to convey that language into the mouths of cities and citizens.



It is our belief that the distance and the continuity between old and new worlds hinge on man’s awareness of his own role in relation to religious and secular authorities. The development of scientific knowledge and of new weaponry, the rise of new forms of political communities, and the affirmation of the freedom and of the dignity of man cannot be understood in an institutional vacuum or independently of a politico-theological framework. Despite efforts to shift the boundaries between the individual and a higher power, whether human or divine, the need for such boundaries is never erased. The poignancy of this bond is epitomized by Christopher Columbus: a man imbued with a profound sense of religiosity, often characterized as medieval, but endowed with a keen interest in new geographic theories, who inadvertently charted a route to the New World. His journey westward toward the East spearheaded a movement which continues to resonate in our time. Among the many questions it has raised for Western thinkers are the following: what happens when two worldviews collide? What makes a new world become old?

Human beings, as we have seen, can be described as cities. Cities, in their turn, could be figured as human beings.


From the point of view of the letter, the events described do not take place in a passato remoto; rather the memory of the story they tell is still fresh and stinging in Aretino’s mind, for he wrote the letter only ten days after Giovanni’s death. Olmi grants us an intimate view of history and of a personal story within that history through his artistic transmutation of these literary documents. This history is explicitly mediated, and through his depiction of the letters, Olmi clearly admits, indeed celebrates, such mediation.

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The Diplomatic Genre before the Italian League: Civic Panegyrics of Bruni, Poggio, and Decembrio Michael Komorowski* The historiography of Quattrocento diplomacy has focused largely on the forty years of the Italian League (1455–94) and its aftermath. The Italian League was the result of careful diplomacy among the five major Italian powers in establishing a lasting peace treaty. One of the upshots of this work was the introduction of the concept of a balance of power among the major Italian states. This was a period of relative peace and freedom from non-Italian interference in peninsular affairs, a period that sixteenthcentury historians, especially Guicciardini, would look upon with considerable nostalgia as they compared its calm to the wars of their own time. Yet the half-century preceding the creation of the Italian League, by comparison, has been relatively little studied in terms of its diplomacy.

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The last of these, a patriotic or nationalist fervor, Baron attributed to the invasions of Florence by the belligerent Giangaleazzo Visconti, Duke of Milan. The year 1402 was the moment of crisis when it appeared for a few months that Giangaleazzo’s army was on the verge of conquering Florence and subjecting the city to the monarchical authority of Milan. Baron assumed rather uncritically that Giangaleazzo represented the forces of tyranny and that Florentines recognized this and saw not only their livelihoods at stake but, crucially, their brand of political liberty. For Baron, it was not only the wars of Giangaleazzo’s time but the “crisis” year, especially, that galvanized humanist scholars at Florence to connect their scholarly work to their public life. They theorized republican institutions only because republicanism was under immediate threat. Baron’s argument has been widely criticized in the half-century since it first appeared, although it remains one of the most influential conceptual models for understanding the connections between classical learning, humanists, and contemporary politics.

The entire scene, consisting of a single, stationary shot that lasts no more than fifty seconds, constitutes a true mise-en-abîme, encompassing the whole of the film. Our perspective is one that takes in the entirety of history, back to antiquity and up to the present day, and simultaneously one that is focused on one week in November of 1526 in a cold and foggy Italian marquisate. We are to witness, through a work of art, the death of a man, but also the death of an idea of the world, symbolized by the soldiers fitted out with medieval weapons and armor which were already obsolete, as evidenced by the very presence of the armor-clad cadaver. And yet, the one-track, fatalistic version of history suggested by the introductory flashforwards is complicated by the various flashbacks that are interspersed throughout the film. These analeptic moments bring us within the subjective mind of Giovanni: they are moments he recalls, or imagines, or both (at times it is difficult to tell which) as he lies on his sickbed contemplating his fate and suffering from his wounds. They represent bits of his own subjective history within the history of the film,5 and as the film progresses and Giovanni’s health deteriorates, he (and we with him) seems to start to confuse his own memories with reality. As his death approaches, time seems to be compacting for him so that past and present begin to merge. In contrast to this complicated, subjective experience of time, the rigorous historicity of the film, complete with dates and place-names, suggests a meticulous adherence to the historical record which indeed is the case for the most part (the major exceptions being some, though not all, of the subjective flashbacks). So the structure of history in this film is both objective and subjective, linear and circuitous.


Decembrio subordinates the good of any one city—even the wealthiest and wisest— to the necessity of keeping foreign invaders out of Italy. Giangaleazzo let nothing hinder his ability to guard Italy against its enemies and as Decembrio reminds us at several points in the panegyric, his son Filippo Maria will do the same. The most important component of this farsighted statecraft is Milan’s efficient government bureaucracy. In a subsequent passage, he details the city’s wealth much more explicitly and concretely than Bruni had in the Laudatio.

Some of them shall round Africa, following the shores of the black peoples right on past the limits whence the sun returns to us after leaving Capricorn;/ they shall discover the limit of the long stretch of land which makes us imagine two separate seas. They shall sail along every shore and past the neighbouring islands of the Indians, Arabians, and Persians.


Because panegyric subordinates a truthful account of the events it describes to the exhortation of the values it espouses, it ought not to be judged as an historical text. Yet the classical precedence for this position is not absolute.

By highlighting Florence’s distance from the coast, Bruni hopes to show that Florence’s location inland near fertile fields is more conducive to good public health than a seaport’s. Decembrio, too, notes that Milan’s geographic situation contributes to the good health of its citizens, but he follows the implications of this observation much further than Bruni. Good health is not an end in the way that it is for Bruni, but rather the means for a strong military. This assertion then leads to the final and longest part of the Panegyricus, in which Decembrio describes a series of battles in which Milan has prevailed. But Decembrio’s intent in enumerating these victories is not only to demonstrate the city’s martial prowess but also to argue for Milan’s relevance and indeed preeminence as a mediator.


Both Decembrio and Poggio wrote civic panegyrics while employed in the chanceries of their respective cities and followed the model that Bruni had pioneered at the beginning of the Quattrocento. In the Laudatio the young and then-unimportant Bruni extols Florence not only as a model city but as the exemplar of civilization and culture in the known world. The hyperbolic praise he lavishes on the city’s geographic location, its people, and its government presupposes comparisons with other cities, particularly Florence’s neighbors. He offers Florence as a model for the rest of the world to imitate. At times, Bruni adopts an avuncular tone as if addressing the casual tourist: “Sive enim antiquiate delecteris.

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The first part is lifted from the seventh chapter of Dell’arte della guerra: “Why should they obey me if they do not know me? By which god or saint should I have them swear? By those that they worship, or by those that they blaspheme?

The dichotomy between the urban beauty of Florence and Milan is a false one, certainly, just as is Baron’s Florentine republicanism and Milanese tyranny. Decembrio makes these claims while writing in the genre of panegyric but, as we have seen, he is sensitive to diplomatic concerns throughout his work. Bruni constantly refers to the “freedom of the Florentines [summa libertate]” and Decembrio, in repossessing the term, recalls his model as he expands the definition of liberty. Libertas in this letter is not exactly civic freedom so much as it is self-sufficiency in economic and military affairs. Decembrio can show Milanese admiration for Florence by repossessing a Florentine term in a way that explains its special application in Milan.



The end result of this process is that “la poveraglia sarà disunita da simili abitatori” (“the poor will be disunited by such inhabitants”). It is interesting that Leonardo insists on the idea that “chi mura ha pur qualche ricchezza” (“those who build have at least some riches”) so that “esso sarà fedele, per non perdere il frutto della sua casa insieme col capitale” (“they will be faithful, in order not to lose the value of their homes together with their capital”). In other words, Leonardo conceives a painless solution to the problem of a possible insubordination of the magnati to the signori: the latter, instead of resorting to blackmail through the abduction of their subordinates’ children, should establish economic ties—in particular, through the concession of building permits.

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Libro primo, is technically called “M2” in philological studies. This is not to be confused with “M3,” which is also sometimes referred to as the second edition of the Lettere.


The Italian Renaissance State 1107010128

The idea was certainly tested by Brunelleschi, but it was Alberti who unfolded the implications of linear perspective. According to Alberti, the painter dwells upon phenomena and transforms substances into appearances that can be manipulated at will. Along with Brunelleschi and Ghiberti, Alberti’s idea of perspective—the notion that reality does not exist outside of one’s own perspective on it—brought about a collapse or disappearance of absolute, objective standards of representation. Such a principle affected the domains of both aesthetics and science in a number of ways. First of all, the traditional idea of Euclidean space changed. Space was no longer understood as a fixed entity. It became a malleable, fluid reality to be understood in terms of the contingent conditions of the spectator. Secondly, philosophers and scientists from Leonardo and Copernicus to Telesio, Gassendi, and Galileo turned to the study of natural phenomena, to an empirical investigation of nature, light, and space. Thirdly, the notion of perspective and space introduces the idea of making. The ancient belief in the superiority of contemplation to action and in contemplation as the end of knowledge gave way to the principle of making.

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While the parameters of the earth are changing and the world is rapidly expanding, the effort to standardize Italian may be considered both a counter to the plurilinguistic movement and a centripetal force, pulling in and defining not only the limits of language and style, but the very borders of the nation that the language represents. Italians seek to affirm their identity on a newly expanded world map by plotting out their “cultural coordinates” with language.

We need therefore to look outside of the traditional archive of sources if we want to recover a diplomatic heritage for the period preceding the formation of the Italian League. One of the places to which we can turn is the developing genre of the short oration modeled on classical precedents that praised particular social, political, and economic attributes of the Italian city-state. The attempts of these civic panegyrics to place their cities in an international context and their later circulation at various ducal courts suggest that these texts aimed not simply to express the preeminence of their subjects but to demonstrate that diplomatic ties ought to be a natural consequence of the emergence of the state.


Scritti scelti (Turin: Utet, 1952), 238; Pietro C. Marani, L’architettura fortificata, 291 and note 18; Carlo Pedretti, Leonardo architetto, 156–159; Edoardo Villata, Leonardo da Vinci. I documenti e le testimonianze contemporanee, foreword by P. C. Marani (Milan: Ente Raccolta Vinciana, 1999), 70–71.

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The enemies of Florence in this letter are not foreign invaders, but rather those who slander the city, or “call the Florentines blind,” in the formulation that Poggio has repeated from Decembrio’s letter. As we have seen in the case of the Panegyricus, Decembrio’s work places the Florentine and Milanese governments within a unified political genealogy highlighting more similarities than differences between the cities. Poggio recognizes this purpose in Decembrio’s panegyric and letter and acknowledges the possibility of more definite diplomatic relations at some future time.

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Elsewhere, Hankins discusses the same letter in passing and suggests that there may be something “noteworthy” about the exchange. See James Hankins, “De republica: Civic Humanism in Renaissance Milan (and other Renaissance signories),” in Mario Vegetti and Paolo Pissavino, eds, I Decembrio, 485–508, 486–87. Hans Baron read Poggio’s response straightforwardly, but argued that Poggio was defending the particular brand of Florentine libertas in the face of what must have been a letter of suspicious intentions.

James Hankins and others have criticized the dichotomy between “tyranny,” on the one hand, and “republicanism” or “liberty,” on the other, as an ineffective tool for evaluating the complex intersections of humanist learning and republicanism. Civic humanism has also tended to color our understanding of diplomacy in the early Quattrocento as little more than rhetorical posturing. One can too easily dismiss FlorentineMilanese relations in the first half of the century as essentially antagonistic: the cities were at each other’s throats more often than not. Even if it is perhaps a bit premature to be applying the diplomatic standards of the time of the Italian League to the years immediately preceding it, there were sustained efforts at diplomatic solutions to long-term political rivalries even in these years. The correspondence and literary publications of leading humanists suggest as much.


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The in folio format, in this case, proves be a function of the ‘royal’ receiver of the work,” Paolo and Fabio Massimo Bertolo Procaccioli, “Nota al testo,” in Lettere. Libro I, ed. Paolo Procaccioli (Rome: Salerno, 1997), 535–36. For a more detailed discussion of the transformation of Aretino’s Lettere through its various editions, see Fabio Massimo Bertolo, Aretino e la stampa.

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And as Bembo does, Guicciardini notes the economic harm which these expeditions caused Venice. However, he is more willing than Bembo to definitively reject the authority of the ancients in the matter of geography, as evidenced by the title of his chapter.

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History, Law and Historicism in Poggio Bracciolini,” in Phyllis Mack and Margaret C. Jacob, eds, Politics and Culture in Early Modern Europe: Essays in Honor of H. G. Koenigsberger (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987), 119–51, 137. One such instance, “Non enim civitates solum, sed ne ulli quidem coetus hominum, aut vitae commertium, sublata iustitia, viguissent” even echoes the wording of the funeral oration.


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Certainly, his claim that Florence is wealthy “in a certain way” borders on snide, and the reminder that Giangaleazzo gravely threatened Florentine autonomy could hardly be taken very charitably by that city and her allies. But Decembrio stresses the diplomatic maneuvering more than the military exercises of Giangaleazzo. The duke was ready to use means that were adaptable to specific situations. In short, Giangaleazzo keeps all options open. There is a certain frankness here that is completely absent from Bruni’s text.

Giuseppe Mazzotta is Sterling Professor in the Humanities for Italian at Yale University and the Chairman of the Department. His scholarly interests focus mainly on medieval, Renaissance, and Baroque literature and thought.


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The doctrine of tolerance that emerges from her analysis of De Arte Dubitandi is less a harbinger of modern secularism than a dynamic reinforcement of the relationship between faith and knowledge. Part Three concludes with Toby Levers’s examination of syncretism—the systematic reconciliation of disparate religious traditions and one of the preeminent thought experiments of Renaissance Humanism. Focusing on Pico della Mirandola’s philosophy of synthesis, Levers evaluates syncretism’s interpretative claims in light of its methodological connections to “literalism,” the two-sided coin of biblical exegesis exchanged by late medieval theories of interpretation. In so doing, he identifies the ongoing debates over the sensus litteralis as critical background for Pico’s philosophical system of correspondence and esoteric unity. The last part of the book is dedicated to literary reflections and refractions of the various markers of modernity explored throughout this volume. James Coleman investigates the novelty of Angelo Poliziano’s approach to literary scholarship vis-à-vis his elder contemporaries Cristoforo Landino and Marsilio Ficino. Contrary to assertions of Poliziano’s abandonment of the Platonic notion of poetic inspiration after having studied the Greek text of Aristotle’s Poetics, Coleman argues that Poliziano’s poetic enterprise was one of reconciliation. Drawing on works from different stages of Poliziano’s life, in particular, the Orfeo and the Nutricia, he demonstrates the author’s integration of the doctrine of poetic frenzy with his modern fascination with the bourgeoning field of philological inquiry. The influence of Aristotle’s Poetics on the literary culture of the Italian Renaissance would reach its apogee in the epic poetry of the Cinquecento, to which the final paper of this volume is devoted.

Poggio is not truly interested in theorizing liberty here as much as he is in the role that virtus plays in constituting a stable government. By basing his praise of a stable republic on the centrality of virtus, Poggio suggests that Florence itself is a version of a Platonic aristocracy.


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A dialogue between equally-powerful states might help to explain why praise for Venice, Florence’s rival in commercial and territorial ambitions, was certainly in order by 1459. By offering an idealized version of Venetian government and society, Poggio emphasizes the importance of the balance of power among the northern Italian states. Poggio’s praise for the Venetian government has ramifications for the strength of the Treaty of Lodi: Sciunt praeterea se legum custodes esse, non dominos.


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De laudibus Mediolanensium urbis panegyricus. Although Valla may have been the catalyst for the composition of this text, Filippo Maria must also have found the work politically useful. Decembrio had spent much of 1435 traveling in Germany and Flanders on a number of diplomatic missions for his employer, and it seems reasonable to conclude that this work was a continuation of these diplomatic duties.