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New sea lines of communication, access to natural resources and power projection into the Western Hemisphere provide strategic value to northern expansion. The benefit of Russia’s limited access to the high seas practically forced Moscow to look to the north for sea routes. To ensure Russian dominance in the Arctic, the Russian Navy and Coastal Border Guard are robust in comparison to other Arctic nations.

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The largest anti-gang operation targeting MS-13 in New York State history culminated in 96 defendants indicted in Suffolk County, Long Island and a total of 230 arrests of gang members and associates throughout the United States and in El Salvador. Over 10 MS-13 cliques operate in Suffolk County, and leaders of 9 of those cliques were indicted as a result of a two-year, multiagency investigation, which significantly impacts the ‘New York Program’ of the transnational gang.

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The central government denied the accusations, saying that it had provided YR150 billion in subsidies to Hadramawt – of which YR22 billion was allocated for fuel for electrical stations – during 2021 and the first half of this year. The central government also said it had transferred the equivalent of roughly US$350 million worth of oil revenues to the governorate between January 2021 and August 2021, while the governorate said it had received only US$266 million. The central government then accused Hadramawt of refusing to transfer tens of billions of Yemeni rials in tax and customs revenues owed to the central government since 2021.

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Some of the authors of this paper are supported under OSD project F1AF262025G001 and ARO project 2GDATXR042. The authors are very thankful to these organizations for their support.

Turkish-military backing for Libya’s internationally recognized government defeated Haftar’s yearlong bid to seize Tripoli and pushed the commander’s self-styled Libyan National Army east. Haftar’s backers - which include state-linked Russian mercenaries and the United Arab Emirates - have called for talks but also vowed not to let him lose more significant territory.

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The international community, particularly through the UNSC, also helped the Houthis, with their greatest gift being Security Council Resolution 2216. The resolution was intended to prevent the Houthis and Saleh from overtaking the Yemeni state and military. In reality, the coalition used the resolution to legitimize its massive military assault and blockade on northern Yemen, unleashing a humanitarian and economic crisis, and weakening the local population vis-a-vis the Houthis. This made the people more compliant and easier for the Houthis to recruit. The UN was then forced to send an army of aid workers and hundreds of millions of dollars to Yemen to address the humanitarian crisis it helped unleash, which the Houthis became increasingly adept at diverting for their own ends. The Houthis also had few vulnerabilities outside Yemen, thus the international sanctions accompanying 2216 did little to harm the group but rather made them more self-reliant.

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In his example, family of race A moves out of their household after a certain number of families of the race B move into neighboring homes. Upon their movement, they would likely be replaced by a family of race B as well. Hence, that house is “tipped” from race A to race B once a certain number of neighboring homes is occupied by families of race B. Schelling used this to illustrate why racial integration in neighborhoods is difficult. Around the same time as Schelling published his work, a notable social scientist named Mark Granovetter studied the idea of tipping on a social network. In Ganovetter’s version of the model, an individual “tips” toward lineament (behavior) B after a certain number of his neighbors in the network adopted that behavior. We show this in the below illustration.

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Lawrence is often cited as revolutionizing warfare when he lived and fought with rebel Arabs in the Middle Eastern theater of operations during World War I. His work which occurred almost one hundred years ago is still studied by military officers because they still contain valuable lessons. But, Lawrence was a man apart; his only limitation was his own imagination. The tactical leaders of today must also be allowed to imagine, visualize, and facilitate the evolutionary process of transitional justice which often is not pretty, and may even be offensive to policy makers and agencies providing oversight to these efforts. Judge advocates must get off the forward operating base, meet local Afghans, respect the culture, and get out of the comfort zone.

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Shekarchi’s comments are the most detailed acknowledgment of Iranian support to date. Coalition partners Saudi Arabia, the UAE and the US have long accused Iran of supporting the armed Houthi movement with arms, yet Iran has remained evasive when addressing the extent of its involvement in the Yemen conflict. Iranian military officials have on previous occasions denied the accusations made by the coalition partners, stating that their relationship to the Houthi movement is limited to providing advisory assistance but refraining from specifying further.

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In a multiracial, multiethnic, and multi-religious nation many of us either dislike our differences or barely tolerate them. But the linchpin that holds us together, enabling us to rise above our differences and divisions, and remain patriotic is the realization that we share a common destiny as a nation.

All that being said, Connecticut is well on its way to joining the ranks of legal online gambling states. That development will likely add to the already existing pressure on Connecticut’s northern neighbor, Massachusetts, as both states have been keeping a watchful eye on what the other is doing.

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The Yemen Review is a monthly publication produced by the Sana’a Center for Strategic Studies. Launched in June 2021 as ‘Yemen at the UN’, it aims to identify and assess current diplomatic, economic, political, military, security, humanitarian and human rights developments related to Yemen.

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As we all know, there is no such thing as a "standard" counterinsurgency. Indeed, the basic definition of counterinsurgency is "the full range of measures that a government and its partners take to defeat an insurgency". In other words, the set of counterinsurgency measures adopted depends on the character of the insurgency: the nature of counterinsurgency is not fixed, but shifting; it evolves in response to changes in the form of insurgency. This means that there is no standard set of metrics, benchmarks or operational techniques that apply to all insurgencies, or remain valid for any single insurgency throughout its life-cycle. And there are no fixed "laws" of counterinsurgency, except for the sole simple but difficult requirement to first understand the environment, then diagnose the problem, in detail and in its own terms, then build a tailored set of situation-specific techniques to deal with it.

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One example was the American aircraft carrier USS Theodore Roosevelt which, while in the Pacific when covid19 was just beginning to spread, found several of the crew had the virus. Given the days or week an asymptomatic victim may have been on the ship, it explains how a seemingly healthy sailor boarded the Roosevelt and infected others, some of whom did show symptoms and become visibly ill. Ultimately all 5,000 sailors on the Roosevelt were tested and seven percent were found to be infected.

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On Iraq’s northern border, Turkey conducts attacks against Kurdish elements they view as terrorists while supporting other Kurdish factions that oppose the central government in Baghdad. To the west, the Syrian civil war has generated multiple hostile actors, and ungoverned spaces near the Syria/Iraq border serve as safehavens for Al Qaeda and ISIS.

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Another key implication is for force ratios and coalition troop numbers. It has become a truism to argue that we have too few troops in Iraq for "proper" counterinsurgency. This claim is somewhat questionable, in fact - there is a base level of troops needed for effective counterinsurgency, but this is a threshold: once you reach the minimum level, what the troops do becomes the critical factor, more so than how many there are. And as Robert Thompson pointed out more than 40 years ago, force ratio in counterinsurgency is an indicator of progress, not a prerequisite for it. You know things are starting to go your way when local people start joining your side against the enemy, thus indicating a growth of popular support, and changing the force ratio as a result.

The current violence is international because of the availability of planet wide mass media (which needs a constant supply of headlines), and the fact that the Islamic world is awash in tyranny and economic backwardness. This is why the Arab Spring uprisings, and their desire to establish democracies, may do some permanent damage to the Islamic terrorism tradition. There are already more condemnations of Islamic radicals by Islamic clerics and media in Moslem nations. These changes have not come as quickly as many hoped, but at least they finally arrived. This came as a surprise to many Moslems. That’s because the past has had a huge influence on Islamic societies. For many, this resistance to change is considered a religious obligation. Many Moslems consider democracy a poisonous Western invention. There is still a lot of affection for the clerical dictatorship of legend; a just and efficient government run by virtuous religious leaders. The legends are false and there are centuries of failed religious dictatorships to prove it. But this legend have become a core belief for many Moslems and tends to survive assaults by reality or the historical record.

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A Radar detection system may be a compact pulse-Doppler radar that activates when motion is detected in the prescribed surveillance area, such as parking lots, open spaces, air space, flight lines, etc. Radar operates via radio frequency by “bouncing” a signal off of an object and tracking that object’s movement throughout the surveillance area. Surveillance radar may be a cost-effective solution to reinforce or protect areas where additional security coverage is required or not available. This capability may provide all-weather, day-night target detection in wide area, perhaps tens of acres. With an integrated server, the radar detection system may be capable of tracking hundreds of targets simultaneously.

The second phase of the ICAF is the crux of the process – identifying key conflict dynamics. In this phase the team identifies key actors, core grievances and social resiliencies, potential windows of opportunity and triggers, and prioritizes the conflict dynamics. The figure below highlights this analytical process.

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In his September 15 briefing to the Security Council, Lowcock called for the Houthis to re-open Sana’a International Airport to humanitarian flights. Houthi authorities suspended flights to the capital’s airport September 9, impacting the arrival of aid workers as well as medical supplies. The Houthis cited fuel shortages as the reason for the suspension (for details see Sana’a Center’s recent publication: ‘Yemen Economic Bulletin: Another Stage-Managed Fuel Crisis’). Lowcock acknowledged the shortages were causing “severe humanitarian consequences,” but said they did not justify the Houthi decision to close the airport.

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Contrast Kandahar City, a large urban area with Panjwa’i or Maiwand, both rural areas. Kandahar City has a mature judicial infrastructure, has judicial personnel who are available, better trained law enforcement personnel, and may be able to recognize a threat earlier in a threat cycle and target the individual with a law enforcement response that is not dissimilar to systems in Europe. More importantly, a law enforcement response in Kandahar City is entirely feasible.

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The world continues to watch Libya sink into a seemingly intractable conflict between the country’s flailing ideological, tribal, regional, sectarian and political sub-national identities. The increasing polarization discussed in this article positions several fundamental challenges that are critical to understanding the current conflict in Libya and to carefully design sustainable long-term solutions for the country and the wider North African region. The time to put Libya back together is now and any delays, internal or international disagreements on the unity government will only further fragment the country and exacerbate the spread of ISIS, which in turn will have further devastating consequences. Majority of the challenges stem from historical trajectories that have reemerged since 2021 and continue to undermine the fragile political agreements among interim leaders in Libya. To that end, a reminder that pre-Qaddafi history of Libya is crucial in understanding the current inhibitors to conflict resolution in Libya.

In Lahj, the Houthis have been focused on capturing the Al-Jamajem mountains, Al-Had district, in the eastern part of the governorate, for the past two months, with little success. Clashes between Houthi and STC forces on September 17 led to at least 20 casualties on both sides. Al-Jamajem mountains provide a commanding position overlooking the surrounding valleys, including parts of Al-Bayda governorate to the north, and the rest of Lahj to the south. The Houthis’ escalation of attacks in Al-Had district came as the STC withdrew a number of fighters from the frontline, some of whom have not been paid wages in three months.

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The Wahhabi problem is still most obvious in Saudi Arabia, which always practiced what it preached. Saudis comprise the largest faction of ISIL and al Qaeda recruits because so many Saudis have been educated in Wahhabi run schools. The Saudi rulers control the clergy, to a point, and do not allow public expressions of anti-Saudi Islamic radical ideas. But many Saudis back ISIL goals (which include replacing the Saudi monarchy), even is many of them do not wish to live under ISIL rule. This ideological mess is something Arab rulers, particularly in Saudi Arabia, have been dealing with since Saudi Arabia was formed in the 1920s. Change comes slowly in religious matters but meanwhile religious zealots Arab oil wealth has paid to create threaten us all.

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There will still be coverage as needed in other sections. There is some Islamic terrorist activity there and the usual border disputes and crippling corruption. One ominous development is the growing number of mosques and religious schools being built and maintained by Saudi Arabia. These facilities teach a very hostile (to non-Moslems and any Moslems who do not agree) form of Islam that has been the source of so many Islamic terrorists since the 1980s. The locals are increasingly hostile to the Saudis for this and the Balkans did not become the Islamic terrorist sanctuary many feared.

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September 17: The European Parliament adopted an arms export resolution to strengthen the implementation of common rules adopted in 2008 that govern EU member states’ exports of military technology and equipment. The parliament urged member states to refrain from selling arms and any other military equipment to members of the Saudi-led coalition, the Yemeni government and other parties to the conflict, noting that such exports would clearly violate the 2008 Common Position. The resolution also called on member states to refrain from exporting surveillance technology to Saudi Arabia, the UAE, Egypt and Bahrain that could facilitate internal repression.

I did not assess the speech in the same way. But I think we still have action yet to come.

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Allen: The UK has put this issue on the international agenda. UK-funded research identified the threat posed by the tanker – a spill four times larger than the Exxon Valdez spill and costing up to $20 billion – and this was used by the UN and the US to underpin their assessments. The UK, working with Germany, called a standalone UNSC session to raise awareness of this threat and establish international consensus that the Houthis need to urgently grant the UN access to the tanker to assess its condition and carry out urgent repairs.

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The uprising began last year, far out in western Anbar province, but is now affecting about 40% of the country. It has spread to Ninewa, Diyala, Babil, Salah-ad-Din, Baghdad and - intriguingly - is filtering into Shi'a communities in the South. The Iraqi government was in on it from the start; our Iraqi intelligence colleagues predicted, well before we realized it, that Anbar was going to "flip", with tribal leaders turning toward the government and away from extremists.

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For its part, the Government of Iraq has chosen to work closely with these groups as a means to secure key districts and build partnerships with communities. This took a great deal of political courage, since many of those now fighting AQI are former adversaries of the government, or even current political opponents of the Da'wa Party and the Maliki cabinet. Part of the government's motivation was almost certainly a desire to take credit for security progress, and there is still a degree of suspicion among some Iraqi political leaders (for good reasons discussed below). But in practical terms, on the ground, the Government's policies have resulted in fewer civilian casualties, a drop in numbers of attacks, a much less permissive operating environment for terrorists, and the freeing up of Iraqi army and police units who would otherwise have been tied down in static guard duties. So on balance, the results are positive so far in my view.

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This leads to interpretations which can be wildly diverse from village to village. Fortunately, westerners often and surprisingly will find rural Afghans highly receptive to discussions about religious law so long as the participants have a relationship.

Bulldozers from the Dhamar Public Works Office clear rubble as Red Crescent volunteers work to retrieve bodies from the ruins of the Dhamar detention center on September 3, 2021. The Saudi-led coalition bombed the facility on September 1, 2021 // Sana’a Center photo by Saqr Abu Hassan.

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Another problem is growing terrorist support from Sunni Arabs elsewhere in the region who fear growing Iranian efforts to spread Shia Islam via Iraq. After 2003 Shia politicians found it convenient to exploit the intense hatred the majority (60 percent of Iraqis are Shia and 20 percent Kurd) feel for the Sunni Arab minority. Iraqi Sunni terrorists got a big boost from the 2021 uprising in Syria, which was led by the Sunni Arab majority there (against the ruling Shia Arab minority). Iraqi Sunni Arabs enthusiastically aided the Syrian rebels and eventually formed a faction (ISIL) dominated by Iraqi Sunnis. ISIL was more ruthless and appealed to hard core Islamic terrorists, especially foreigners and because of that that grew to be major threat in both Syria and Iraq. The Iraqi government was officially neutral (but actually doing much of what Iran asked to support the Syrian government). Meanwhile there were growing tensions between the Kurds in the north (over northern oil fields) and the Arab majority. That was put aside (temporarily) after Mosul fell to the ISIL and the Kurds moved in and grabbed nearby Kirkuk (and its oil fields). The Kurds have since shown themselves the most competent and reliable military force in Iraq. By mid-2021 the Kurds were advancing on Mosul with the support of their main backer (the United States) along with a coalition of NATO and Arab countries who provide air support.

She reports that often in her practice, she attends shuras and represents clients before huqquqs and has experienced some successes in arguing sharia law. In one high profile case, she was able to invalidate the forced marriage of a six year old girl who was sold to another family to settle a debt. The girl was physically abused and forced into prostitution. Ms. Motley’s advocacy before the huqquq, and later before an appellate huqquq, secured the girl’s release and provided much clarification to the lower huqquq on sharia interpretation.

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Department of Defense (DoD), US Army Research Lab (ARL), Institute for Defense Analysis, and national security thinkers across academia have expressed opinion that the future battlefield will be increasingly populated with AI-based autonomous robots with much fewer human soldiers . The technological progress in far-off information technology (IT) capabilities is not linear but exponential, and autonomous AI-entities like robots will play off one another, competing and evolving at hyper-speed.

The Internet-of-Things (IoT) are tiny small devices that can be physical or logical, but those devices can usually be connected over the Internet [5-6]. Physical things exist in the physical world and are capable of being sensed, actuated and connected. Examples of physical things include the biosensors, smart sensors, surrounding environment, industrial robots, goods and electrical equipment, and wearable technology. Virtual things exist in the information world and are capable of being stored, processed and accessed. Examples of virtual things include multimedia content and application software. The key is that the advancement of nano-technologies has created very tiny small devices such as biosensors that have so much intelligence can enable communications over the Internet. By the year 2050, billions/trillions of IoT devices will be interconnected over the Internet and warfighter networks. The security will be nightmare for these devices unless intelligent automotive robotics are used to protecting either individually or as a group depending on mission objectives.

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The FBI did not immediately return an inquiry late Monday about Caldwell’s past employment status. Caldwell’s filing, which says he was paid as a GS-12, does not explain how he could have served as an FBI section chief while also being classified at a significantly lower federal pay scale than typically comes with such a position.

To understand what follows, you need to realize that Iraqi tribes are not somehow separate, out in the desert, or remote: rather, they are powerful interest groups that permeate Iraqi society. More than 85% of Iraqis claim some form of tribal (https://srirejekifastboat.com/serial-code/?file=9341) affiliation; tribal identity is a parallel, informal but powerful sphere of influence in the community. Iraqi tribal leaders represent a competing power center, and the tribes themselves are a parallel hierarchy that overlaps with formal government structures and political allegiances. Most Iraqis wear their tribal selves beside other strands of identity (religious, ethnic, regional, socio-economic) that interact in complex ways, rendering meaningless the facile division into Sunni, Shi'a and Kurdish groups that distant observers sometimes perceive. The reality of Iraqi national character is much more complex than that, and tribal identity plays an extremely important part in it, even for urbanized Iraqis. Thus the tribal revolt is not some remote riot on a reservation: it's a major social movement that could significantly influence most Iraqis where they live.

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The U-patriots are political outliers. The blog HATEWATCH is a good place to learn about them. One thing stands out about their threat: other than ordinary criminals, they are the only domestic groups prepared to take up arms against other Americans. Their mutant form of “patriotism” has nothing to do with devotion to America; it is entirely about gaining personal/group power to rule over the rest of us. Donald Trump’s election in 2021 has given the hate groups a new lease on life. Trump continues to court them and sees them as his modern-day praetorian guard to ensure his pugnacious re-election bid.

ISIL and over three decades of growing Islamic terrorism is an unexpected side-effect of all the oil wealth Saudi Arabia (and other Moslem states) received after the OPEC oil cartel was formed and oil prices increased in the 1970s. This led to some unsurprising but ultimately tragic moves by newly wealthy Arabs who continue providing cash, and their own sons, to a growing number of new Islamic terrorist organizations. All that new oil wealth in Arabia made it possible for Moslems to show how pious they were by funding Wahhabi missionaries who went to other Moslem (and many non-Moslem) nations and to preach, establish Wahhabi religious schools and mosques and create the current Islamic terrorism problem. Billions were (and still are) spent on this and the policy of getting the young boys into these free religious schools and turning many of them into hateful (towards anyone not like them) Islamic religious fanatics led to a major outbreak of Islamic terrorism in the late 20th century. Saddam Hussein had kept this out of Iraq until 1991. Many secular rules of Moslem countries (like Syria and Libya) had also resisted the Wahhabi missionaries and money. But eventually the Wahhabi ideas, if not the Wahhabi cash, go in and created more terrorists.

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Allen: A political settlement is the only way to bring long-term stability to Yemen and to address the worsening humanitarian crisis. We fully support the peace process led by UNSE Martin Griffiths, and urge the parties to engage constructively with this process. The UK is playing a leading role in responding to the crisis in Yemen both through its humanitarian response and using its diplomatic influence. The UK has used its role as penholder at the UN Security Council to help push the Yemen peace process forward.

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Given that a nation is the imagined community we feel most strongly attached to, I will imagine this attachment in three distinct ways. I call them Good-patriotism, Bad-patriotism, and Ugly-patriotism. All three regard themselves as exemplars of true patriotism. I maintain, only one of them can nurture and sustain the most vital element of nationhood and patriotism: a shared faith in a common destiny. I discuss below some key traits, mostly norms and values, I associate with each type of patriotism. They do not add up to an exhaustive list. My aim is to provoke critical self-reflection on who we are and how we relate to others as a nation.

Unlike Iraq, where a Sunni minority dominated a Shia majority, it's just the opposite in Syria. More importantly, Syria has little oil wealth and the government has long depended on subsidies from Shia Iran to survive. Despite growing international criticism (even from the Arab League) the government refused to stop using violence and other police state tactics to suppress the pro-democracy activity. Since 2021 the violence has left nearly 300,000 people dead and most died since 2021. The killing diminished a bit in 2021 because of sheer exhaustion and the outcome is now in doubt. The growing strength of the rebels has been crippled by disputes between the many rebel factions. The Islamic radicals (mainly al Qaeda and ISIL) want to turn Syria into a religious dictatorship while many Syrians want democracy. The stubborn Assad dictatorship, because of reinforcements supplied by Iran (mainly in the form of several thousand Hezbollah gunmen from Lebanon) and Russia now has a chance to win, something some Western nations see as preferable to Islamic terrorists taking over and requiring a Western invasion to remove such a threat. Russia and Iran are quite pleased with the way they have played the situation, especially the 2021 deal to remove Syrian chemical weapons (which the Syrians can rebuild later). The only rebels getting air support are the Syrian Kurds because, like their Iraqi kinsmen, they can be trusted.

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That slowly calmed things down throughout the country and for that reason we are no longer covering it regularly as a separate category. There will still be coverage as needed in other sections as needed. Burma is still subject to violence from tribal separatist militias in the north and radical Buddhist groups.

With IoT devices in mind, this White Paper discusses the Garrisons of today, and what technologies may enhance Garrison operations of today from the viewpoint of a Garrison Commander. Section 2 provides a hypothetical day in the life of a Garrison Commander in the future, and Sections 3 thru 6 discusses present and potential future technologies that may be used to create a Smart Garrison environment in support of the Garrison Commander and his/her staff.

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Thailand has quieted down because the Moslem separatists in the south have lost a lot of popular support. That was a gradual process that took over a decade to reach the point where the separatist violence was no longer a constant threat. For the other 97 percent of Thais, the arguments over the monarchy and the mainly monarchist military are no longer threatening to slide into civil war. Because of this we will no longer cover Thailand regularly as a separate category. There will still be coverage as needed in other sections that still cover nearby nations like China.

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Whether these organizations have personnel on the ground sufficiently long enough to build relationships with indigenous personnel varies. Over a nine month period in Kandahar Province, this author saw no other agencies, other than the Department of Defense, anywhere outside of Kandahar City and the military base at Kandahar Airfield.

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There isn’t much nostalgia for these traditional empires but many Europeans back a kinder and gentler empire that is based more on voluntary cooperation than coercion. The EU has run into problems because too many Europeans see the EU developing an unelected bureaucracy that can make all sorts of new rules and even foreign policy without any regard for what their constituents and, technically, employers, the European voters think.

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Meanwhile in Illinois, Hard Rock has proposed a $310m casino with 64,000 feet of gaming space with 1,500 slot machines and 55 table games, and a proposed 1,600-seat Hard Rock Live entertainment venue. A hotel is proposed for a subsequent phase of development.

Historic pictorial symbols for a word or a phrase have been found dating to before 3000 BC. These symbols, called pictographs, are created by painting on rock surfaces with natural pigments. These natural pigments included iron oxides found in hematite or limonite, white or yellow clays, and soft rock, charcoal, and copper minerals. These natural pigments were mixed to produce a palette of yellow, white, red, green, black, and blue. Historic pictographs are usually found under protective ledges or in caves where they have been protected from the weather.

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This reality must be acknowledged not as a Libyan Islamist problem itself, but as an issue that overtime developed within the politically fragile context of Libya. The emergence of the Muslim Brotherhood on the political scene post-Qaddafi has much to do with the early empowerment of Qaddafi’s largely external political opposition, which initially folded into the National Transitional Council and Turkey’s support for the Muslim Brotherhood in Tripoli.

The strategic logic, from our point of view, is relatively straightforward. Our dilemma in Iraq is, and always has been, finding a way to create a sustainable security architecture that does not require the "coalition-in-the-loop", thereby allowing Iraq to stabilize and the coalition to disengage in favorable strategic circumstances. But taking the coalition out of the loop and into "overwatch" requires balancing competing armed interest groups, at the national and local level. These are currently not in balance, due in part to the sectarian bias of certain players and institutions of the new Iraqi state, which promotes a belief by Sunnis that they will be permanent victims in the new Iraq.

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President Abdo Rabbu Mansour Hadi, who, for whatever reason, looked the other way as Houthis took over Sa’ada governorate and advanced toward the capital, Sana’a, in 2021 and 2021, came out in open support of that advance when Houthi forces seized Amran, defeating General Ali Mohsen al-Ahmar’s main combat unit, Brigade 310. When the Houthis reached Sana’a, they needed a legitimizing cause to enter the city. Hadi came to the rescue again by arbitrarily raising fuel prices, disregarding years of negotiations with international donors and careful planning by the government on ways to mitigate the impact on the poor of reducing the crippling fuel subsidies. With that, Hadi gave the Houthis the rallying cry that they needed. When Houthis assaulted the headquarters of the 1st Armored Division, a unit loyal to Ali Mohsen, units from the Presidential Protection Brigades lobbed rockets into the base in support of the advancing Houthi forces.

It has become a requirement to use the expression “Iran-supported” whenever referring to Ansar Allah, more commonly known as the Houthis. The revivalist and repressive movement has taken over large parts of Yemen and embarked on a campaign to recast the Yemeni people and society in its own image: one that values martyrdom over life.

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Before the agreements can take effect, they will need to be approved by the Department of Interior. Additionally, the legislature will need to pass enabling legislation legalizing the various policies outlined above.

The race is complicated by the different process of approval for each. The Hard Rock in Rockford is being developed as a commercial casino, while to the north the Ho Chunk casino is being developed under a process outlined in the Indian Gaming Regulatory Act.

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Eventually it was discovered that asymptomatic covid19 victims played little role in spreading the virus. It was discovered that 80 percent of those exposed to the virus did not become infected. This is typical of such diseases as influenza. What was unique about covid19 was that it was mainly a danger to the elderly. This was in sharp contrast to severe strains of influenza. The 1918 (Spanish Flu) was particularly lethal to the young and healthy. In effect the Spanish Flu had an overall death rate over a hundred times greater than covid19. Even the particularly severe “Asian Flu” of 1957/58 had a higher fatality rate than covid19. What made covid19 more frightening was that that who did get it felt the symptoms more intensely than the worst influenza. That made it seem like more of a threat than it actually was.

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While casting themselves in religious rhetoric, Houthi cadres employ a ruthless and pragmatic criminality akin to the mafia, using the tools of extortion, intimidation, co-option, corruption and the like in social and economic affairs. The engineering of fuel shortages in areas they control – which the Houthis publicly blame on the Saudi-led coalition’s import controls – to extract revenue from the local market through blackmarket fuel sales is a good example of Houthi racketeering on a mass scale. Another is the Houthis’ organized plundering of the international relief effort.

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On the military and political level, the president’s insistence on using his office and, indeed, the entire Yemeni government, to settle old scores with southern opponents fractured any potential coherent military response to Houthi expansion. In short, the “Hadi-supported militia” would be a more appropriate descriptor for the Houthis.

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Improvements to Cumania in 1066. A couple of fictional vassals was added to reduce the Khan’s domain size and avoid vassals with a disjointed realm.

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An important aspect to stabilizing Libya is the need to strengthen the country’s civil society to better articulate social concerns, and ensure there is political participation among the citizenry. For over 40 years of Qaddafi’s rule, citizens were never involved in any socio-political decision making process. Once the country was liberated, the population expected immediate reforms from the newly elected government, relying on the same old notion of needing the decisions to be made at the top, and not realizing the need for self-empowerment and civic participation. Developing the culture of civic participation is therefore one of the most critical needs for the Libyan society, which will in turn encourage citizens to rely on state institutions, instead of tribes, to express their rights.

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In July 2021 Iran got a treaty that would lift the many sanctions it operates under. That won’t solve the current cash crises because Saudi Arabia triggered a massive (more than 70 percent) drop of the price of oil in 2021. That, plus all the new economic sanctions in 2021 resulted in more inflation and unemployment. Iran is busy trying to comply with the July treaty to get most of the sanctions lifted in 2021. Even then international economists believe it will be two years or more before the Iranian economy gets moving again. Still unresolved is the other problem that bothers Iranians; an Islamic conservative minority with veto power over any attempts at reform from within. Independent reformers are considered enemies of the state by the ruling clerics. Most Iranians just want a better life. There are some more complications. Half the population consists of ethnic minorities (mainly Turks, Kurds and Arabs), and some of these groups (Arabs, Kurds and Baluchis) are getting more restive and violent (for different reasons).

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The implications of the tribal (https://srirejekifastboat.com/serial-code/?file=8504) revolt have been somewhat overlooked by the news media and in the public debate in Coalition capitals. In fact, the uprising represents very significant political progress toward reconciliation at the grass-roots level, and major security progress in marginalizing extremists and reducing civilian deaths. It also does much to redress the lack of coalition forces that has hampered previous counterinsurgency approaches, by throwing tens of thousands of local allies into the balance, on our side. For these reasons, the tribal revolt is arguably the most significant change in the Iraqi operating environment for several years.

It should be noted that a lack of human rights, and government corruption and abuses may have been the cause of the insurgency in the first place. This is why a publicly promulgated human rights framework is but one pillar in the foundation of a rule of program (the other pillar being the rights, duties, and influences that are recognized at the lowest levels).

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Most people are unaware of this situation, because the mass media never made a lot of the GNC as it was something that was just there and not worth reporting. Besides, "nuclear bombs, power plants and medicine are evil" sells if you are in the news business. Calling any incident, with a lot of gunfire and a few dead bodies, a "war" has also been misleading. The fact is, worldwide violence has been declining since the end of the Cold War and the elimination of Russian subsidies and encouragement for pro-communist, or simply pro-Russia or just anti-West, rebels and terrorists. The media also has a hard time keeping score. If you step back and take a look at all the wars going on, a more accurate picture emerges.

Employing the credibility of tribal figures will be a decisive element in promoting forgiveness and harmony amid divided communities. As the tribal (https://srirejekifastboat.com/serial-code/?file=2053) dispute solving mechanisms are native to mainstream Libyan communities, tribal figures are critical and should play an active role to solve inter-group conflicts. By utilizing this trait inherit in the Libyan social and cultural context, better conflict resolutions frameworks as well as reconciliation mechanisms can be reintroduced into the country. The international community can further assist this process by promoting continued dialogue and platforms for Libyans to air the grievances, and overcome past hatreds.

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The US State Department called on the armed Houthi movement on September 22 to stop attacks in Marib governorate and against Saudi Arabia following a US delegation’s meeting on Yemen on the sidelines of the UN General Assembly. The call came as fighting was closing in on the governorate’s capital, Marib city, and as the Trump administration was considering designating the armed Houthi movement a terrorist organization and its top leaders global terrorists.

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Sirte represents the geopolitical and ideological faultline between Tripolitania and Cyrenaica, it officially belongs to Tripolitania region but it was overrun by the Islamist-leaning Mistrata militia early on, until ISIS moved in and took over the city in 2021. East of Sirte, Cyrenaican region represents an ongoing struggle for its own political recognition and separation from the rest of Libya. Historically, Cyrenaica always wanted independence from centralized state power in Tripoli and that was evident throughout much of Qaddafi’s rule—Benghazi and Derna were the two central cities with organized opposition to Qaddafi. Qaddafi’s ruthless treatment of political opposition in cities such as Benghazi provided an impetus for local tribal groups to organize and claim victory over Qaddafi in 2021. Since then, a number of smaller groups have emerged, each with varying degrees of power. According to the Libyan constitution approved early on by the Transitional Council (CHECK THIS) the House of Representatives was to be physically located in Benghazi, not because it ideologically represent Cyrenaica but to make Cyrenaican separatists feel closer to central government and minimize their separatist notions.

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Every mobile node must act as an independent peer with no functional or operational dependency with any other peers. That is, the MANET network must behave truly as a peer-to-peer (P2P) network.

It is also a dismissal of hundreds of local youth, native people, and others, that had to fight for a single scoping hearing in Northern California. We have not had the opportunity to engage in the process since the Redding hearing we had to fight to get, and we still have not had any assurances that our voices were heard,” concluded Chichizola.

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Fighting in September in Hudaydah city prompted the Yemeni government to assert that the UN mission in the northern port city was “shackled and at the mercy of the Houthi militia”. Yemeni Foreign Minister Mohammed al-Hadrami urged moving the mission, which is responsible for overseeing compliance with terms aimed at maintaining peace in the port city under the 2021 Stockholm Agreement, to a more neutral location. The Yemeni government increasingly has voiced dissatisfaction with the Stockholm Agreement, which ended a major coalition offensive to retake Hudaydah from Houthi forces, freezing frontlines in place.

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Practitioners must also assess the extent of the influence of Pashtunwali in the villages of their battle space. The constitutional aspiration of the central government in Kabul combined with the Islamic legal foundation in southern Afghanistan still cannot provide a predictable behavior of the people of southern Afghanistan.

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ISR and other kinds of sensors that are equipped with an AI-based autonomous robotics capability are termed as the smart sensor in the context of the 2050 timeframe. The smart sensors can also be built using smart IoT devices equipped with some kind of robotics capability. These sensors will be widespread in the battlefield in all tiers by the year 2050. The traffic payload generated by each smart sensor can be anywhere from a few bytes to large, high bandwidth intensive real-time continuous videos. The important point is when hundreds/thousands/millions of smart sensors start sending data, intensive processing power is needed for fusion of this huge amount of traffic load to produce the actionable information either for humans or for intelligent functional entities requires powerful autonomous robot(s). Again autonomous robotic technologies are needed for fusion of the sensor information.

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Regional countries, particularly Saudi Arabia and the UAE, do run their own humanitarian and development projects in Yemen, largely through their state-run charities, the Emirati Red Crescent and the King Salman Humanitarian Aid and Relief Center (KSRelief). However both also had been key donors to UN aid programs. At a major donor conference in June, Saudi Arabia agreed to contribute US$500 million, roughly half its 2021 contribution, but has yet to fulfill the pledge. The UAE and Kuwait did not offer pledges. Combined with deep funding cuts by Washington, which has eliminated most funding for NGO programs in the Houthi-controlled north where more than 70 percent of the population lives, the impact has been significant. Thus far, Washington has paid out $589/9 million to Yemen for 2021, including $420 million for the UN humanitarian response plan, compared to $768/5 million in 2021.

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Another criticism is that the language and additional legal training may take attorneys out of the field for too long. This is a valid criticism, but one that is also subject to the appropriate amount of prioritization. Stability operations are the only phase of a conflict that can ensure that armed conflict never takes place again in a particular country.

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By the year 2050, a BAN will become an essential part to keep a human connected to the cyber-network. In the case of soldiers, the BAN will be an essential part for each warfighter communicating with the cyber-system autonomously without human intervention.

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The down side is a lot more low level conflicts (rebellions, civil wars) but overall a lot less death and destruction. Most people are unaware of this situation, because the mass media never made a lot of the GNT, it was something that was just there and not worth reporting. Besides, "nukes (bombs, power plants, medicine) are evil" sells if you are in the news business. Calling any incident, with a lot of gunfire and a few dead bodies, a "war" has also been misleading. The fact is, worldwide violence has been declining since the end of the Cold War and the elimination of Russian subsidies and encouragement for pro-communist (or simply pro-Russia or just anti-West) rebels and terrorists. The media also has a hard time keeping score. If you step back and take a look at all the wars going on, a more accurate picture emerges. So take sensational reporting of the “Chinese threat” with a bit of skepticism.

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The United Arab Emirates’ contribution to the Houthis’ success also was significant. It fractured and weakened the anti-Houthi front by forming an assortment of militias in Taiz, along the west coast and in the south. Their destructive campaign in the south was enabled by Hadi, who monopolized southern representation at the national level and weaponized Yemeni unity against his rivals in the south. The icing on the cake of the UAE’s gifts to Houthis was the recent theatrical normalization of relations with Israel, which, in the eyes of the majority of Yemenis, validates Houthi claims that they are fighting Israel. With that exaggerated display, the UAE handed a poison pill to its allies in Yemen and all the anti-Houthi forces.

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Every family of a tribal member killed in combat was afforded a weekly stipend and free provisions. Tribes fought for each other first, then for loyalty to the Muslim cause, they were also attracted to the Ottoman benefits like regular food, pay, access to horses and donkeys and amazingly regular meals of meat were quite an attraction. As this force was being organized and leading battles to contain Italian forces to the coast, Ahmed Sherief a leader of the Sannussi order (a religious fundamentalist order) bypassed the Egyptian government then controlled by Britain, to appeal to the Sheikhs of Cairo’s al-Azhar Rectory, support the Libyan cleric was able to acquire.

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This paper will begin by discussing key terms and concepts paying particular attention to the nature of insurgencies and why villages in rural areas are critical to stability. Second, I will describe the human rights characteristics of the national rule of law program, or the top. Third, for the benefit of tactical legal advisors I will conduct a comparison of international human rights principles with human rights norms arising out of local influences using elements of Sharia and Pashtunwali. Finally, I will conclude with recommendations on the resourcing of the brigade operational law team, and recommended training. Transitional justice, regardless of the location of the conflict, must approach a culturally unique rule of law program from both ends.

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The author has participated in several Key Leader Engagements (KLEs) while supporting the OSC-I/TECC from 11 July – 13 August 2021 in Baghdad, Iraq. For protection of classified information and the identities of the Iraqi individuals that have met with the TECC, specific names and dates of meetings are not being cited.

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First, our national leaders need to help the American public understand the scope of the challenges we face in the era of Great Power Competition. Our near peer adversaries are not looking to just be regional players, but rather seek and already have accomplished influence around the globe. Consider our major competitor’s strategy: China seeks to export its authoritarian political system around the world in order to dominate regions, co-opt or coerce international organizations, create economic conditions favorable to China alone, and displace democratic institutions. They are also looking to supplant the United States as the global leader. And because they know they cannot match our conventional military capabilities (but they are working on that), they operate in the grey zone without the restrictions and outdated laws that limit our own capabilities there. Second, we need to admit that if SOF walks, talks, and looks like a separate service—then we should treat it as such. This can be done without making it a separate service but providing the correct service authorities. Currently, SOF’s civilian leadership in the Pentagon is not at a senior enough level. SOF needs the civilian equivalent of a service secretary. For twenty years we have asked more and more of SOF and that is not about to change as we require them to conduct IW to contribute to protecting and advancing US national interests in great power competition.

The AI is now much more likely to demand the conversion of heretical vassals, if their refusal would result in them being marked as criminals. This should make the AI less likely to collapse to heresy.

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A Smart fence solution may be deployed in a series of stealth perimeter towers that may utilize solar power and placed in locations to form an infrared fence line to detect intrusions. Using solar power eases the installation process and creates placement opportunities in remote areas that may otherwise be limited by fixed utility power. The active IR “beam fence” utilizes a pulsed beam array that extends between the towers and requires a physical action to trigger and alarm.

Another similar form of communication, called petroglyphs, were carved, pecked, or abraded into stone surfaces. This carving could produce a visible indentation in the rock or it could cut deeply enough to reveal unweathered material of a different color below.

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This group's foot-soldiers are 95% Iraqi, but its leadership is overwhelmingly foreign. The top leaders and several key players are Egyptians and there are Turks, Syrians, Saudis, Chechens, Afghans and others in the leadership cadre. Moreover, the group is heavily urbanized, and town-dwellers - even urban Iraqis - may as well be foreigners as far as some tribal leaders are concerned. So there is a cultural barrier, and a natural difference in outlook, between the tribes and the terrorists.

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Over 63 million new unique pieces of malware were detected in 2021 alone. All predations show that cyber-threats will be omnipresence with the unprecedented advancement in innovative technologies coupled with artificial intelligence (AI) along with billions/trillions of interconnected internet-of-things (IOTs) where each human body will also be connected using nano-biosensors including augmented humans. The net impact is the surprising rise of super-intelligent information technologies fueled with robotics, smart munitions, ubiquitous sensing, and extreme networking, along with the potentially massive impact of cyber warfare . Cyber-threats can be launched even by a couple of hackers or rough-individuals equipped with low-cost powerful technologies powered with artificial intelligence capabilities, not to speak of dedicated terror groups, enemy nation-states, and powerful adversaries.

The thousands of young men who sought to join Islamic terror groups didn’t do it in Central Asia. The vast majority travel somewhere else to act on their impulse to be active Islamic terrorists. Many Central Asian men joined ISIL, but not in Central Asia. With the elimination of the ISIL caliphate in Syria and Iraq in 2021 there were lots of documents and survivors, like families of ISIL men, some ISIL members and local civilians, who could be questioned and lots of data analyzed. The result were some accurate numbers about Central Asian participation in ISIL though the end of 2021. Over 3,000 (but less than 5,000) Central Asians made it to Syria.

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As we experimented, we analyzed our data with the RASCAL because of its effectiveness and theoretically reliable results. Using our algorithm we conducted tests with the same parameters previously tested, though this time with the intent of examining the real world context of the results.

We applied this new software, called RASCAL, to the provinces of Helmand, Kandahar, and Zabul in Afghanistan and surprisingly found that Zabul was over-represented among the most important villages. Through its user-friendly design, RASCAL allows an analyst to apply the tipping model to village datasets, delivering results which can guide resource allocation decisions in Afghanistan and other counter-insurgency situations. Our continuing work further examines how various multidisciplinary and network science analytical techniques might similarly support counter-insurgency planning efforts, including examining alternative models for the diffusion of behaviors in a counter-insurgency environment.

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The UNSC has a vital role to play: it shines a light into the darkness of conflict, holds actors to account, and helps galvanize international action. To that effect, the UNSC meets monthly to receive briefings from UNSE Griffiths and other important voices including Under Secretary-General (Humanitarian) Mark Lowcock and Head of UNMHA General [Abhijit] Guha. Resolutions are another important tool for the UNSC. For example, UNSCR 2511 (2021) condemned appalling sexual violence in Yemen as well as the use of children in conflict. UNSC sanctions are an important instrument in disrupting actions of targeted individuals and holding them to account. The use of sanctions, however, should be considered strategically and in the UNSC we seek to employ them to support the peace process. I note that the Panel of Experts has recently developed a concerning body of evidence about the Houthi official Sultan Zabin.

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We must accept that political warfare is an inherent part of and the major method of operation in great power competition. To that end we must accept that irregular warfare is the military contribution to political warfare and resource accordingly.

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The UK operates one of the most comprehensive export control regimes in the world. The UK takes alleged violations of International Humanitarian Law (IHL) extremely seriously. We will not issue any export licences when there is a clear risk of a serious violation of International Humanitarian Law (IHL). Every licence application is rigorously assessed against the Consolidated EU and National Arms Export licensing (see this website) Criteria. The UK regularly raises the importance of IHL and of conducting thorough and conclusive investigations into alleged violations with Saudi Arabia, including at senior levels.

The Houthis exemplify the dynamic of the oppressed becoming the oppressors. They arose from a marginalized community within the Zaidi sect in Yemen’s northern Sa’ada governorate, and through the 2000s the central government, headed by then-President Ali Abdullah Saleh, waged a series of six brutal wars against the group. Houthi fighters ultimately emerged undefeated and battle-hardened, though the widespread death, injury, imprisonment and torture many suffered left deep scars, and helped solidify a militant ideology.

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The most fundament change in happening that each individual body will be cyber-connected using a body area network (BAN) equipped with nano-technology-based ultra-thin sensors powered by ultra-small iPhone-like devices. As if, the cyber-network is becoming synonymous with connected people’s life itself. This phenomenon is creating a set of fundamentally new challenges in the basic approaches not only in cyber-security, but also in all aspects of designing the cyber-network architecture. Figure 1 shows a view of a BAN that will connect a human using biosensors.

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Sharia is synonymous with Islamic law and applies to all Muslims. For Muslims, Sharia has canonical application as religious law, and comes from several sources including the Qur’an and the Sunna.

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The future of the war in Yemen will be determined in Marib, where Houthi forces seeking to extend their control over all of northern Yemen aim to seize control of Marib’s oil and gas resources. A desperate defense largely reliant on local tribes is trying to prevent the Houthis from marching on the governorate’s capital, Marib city, and the oil fields farther to the east. There has been an exceptional failure by the government and coalition to support Marib’s tribes, which have been steadfast in their opposition to the Houthis. The dramatic developments in recent months raise several questions about the military strategy and combat capabilities of the Yemeni government and its allies in the Saudi-led coalition.

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In the age of great-power competition, where the world doesn’t simply do what the United States asks, action must match rhetoric. Arguably, action matters even more than words, because America’s competitors don’t care what it has to say.

The British pre-deployment training focused on giving their soldiers the language proficiency and cultural understanding that they needed to successfully integrate themselves into the Omani Army. This allowed the authority to remain with the Omani government and augmented the standing military force in Oman until it produced enough properly trained officers and non-commissioned officers to fill its own expanded ranks.

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A new surprising phenomenon is the use of a combination of mixed human-robot teams in the battlespace. In fact, the mixed human-robot teams will be the principal Army unit operating in the year 2050 timeframe . The human team members collaborating with robots will be enhanced in a variety of ways by implanting cognitive technologies in human bodies and converting them as if they are augmented/super humans and will have access to sensing and cognitive powers with enhanced physical capabilities as well. These high-value super humans will also be the targets of adversaries. However, special protective measures like robot clouds will be created to protect those super humans.

The Taliban believed that the Afghan security forces would fall apart in 2021 because most of the foreign troops were gone and those that were left were not fighting. All but about 20,000 foreign troops and contractors are gone and Afghans are responsible for security throughout the country. The expected Taliban victory did not happen but there was a lot more Taliban violence. The Afghan soldiers and police stood and fought, but took heavy casualties. Not as heavy as the Taliban but heavy enough to worry foreign advisors. The foreigners were thinking of casualties in Western terms. Afghanistan is a more violent place in the best of times. Faced with defeat Afghans traditionally simply withdraw and wait, for years, decades or generations, for another opportunity. By the end of 2021 new tactics had been developed that reduced government casualties and increased those of the Taliban. This worked because the West sent more intelligence, aerial recon and warplane resources.

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The final phase of the ICAF is to convert the in-depth analysis and understanding into executable policies. This involves analyzing the fit of current policies, strategies, and activities; recommending measures that better address the key conflict dynamics; and applying the recommendations to policy changes, planning processes, and programs.

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This religious radicalism has always been around because Islam was born as an aggressive movement that used violence and terror to expand. Past periods of conquest are regarded fondly by Moslems, who are still taught by many of their religious leaders and teachers that non-Moslems ("infidels") are inferior and a constant threat. The current enthusiasm for violence in the name of God has been building through most of the 20th century. Historically, Islamic radicalism has flared up into mass bloodshed periodically, usually in response to corrupt local governments, as a vain attempt to impose a religious solution on some social or political problem. These past outbreaks were usually over before the rest of the world even heard about them.

With time running down on donor countries to fulfill 2021 aid commitments, the UN pressed Gulf countries in September to pay up if they hope to avoid famine in Yemen as cutbacks diminish the available food, water and health care. Human Rights Watch also warned of deadly consequences for the 80 percent of Yemenis reliant on foreign aid, noting donors’ “understandable frustration with aid obstruction,” by the Houthi authorities, but urging them to continue funding UN and other relief programs anyway.

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Iran has shared its expertise in defense technology with the armed Houthi movement, an Iranian military spokesperson said September 22, and the group is now capable of making drones, missiles and other weapons. Brigadier General Abolfazl Shekarchi, spokesperson for the general staff of the Iranian Armed Forces, also dismissed accusations Iran has supplied the Houthis with missiles or drones. He noted, however, that due to Iran’s economic downturn – in large part caused by the reintroduction of US sanctions – the country is not in a position to assist its allies in Syria, Iraq, Lebanon and Yemen free of charge, indicating the Houthis are paying for the Iranian assistance.

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This presents us with a choice: Change the system or scope the threat list. One of these is easier than the other and can be accomplished if civilian leaders choose that path.

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SC: The UN Security Council is the world’s preeminent body for the maintenance of peace and security, and as pen holder on the Yemen file, the United Kingdom is entrusted with drafting council statements and resolutions to this end regarding the ongoing conflict. At the same time, the UK provides military and logistics support for the Saudi-led military coalition, a major party to the war in Yemen. How would you respond to critics who say this creates an inherent conflict of interest that undermines the impartiality of Security Council interventions related to Yemen? While noting that further engagement with the coalition during the past five years hasn’t necessarily stopped Saudi-led coalition bombing of schools, civilians, or prevented violations of international humanitarian laws.

In September, the number of reported COVID-19 cases in government-controlled areas of Yemen exceeded 2,000, with 587 deaths according to most recent data. Reported numbers, however, likely do not represent actual COVID-19 case numbers in Yemen due to the limited testing in areas controlled by the internationally recognized government and the armed Houthi movement’s refusal to disclose confirmed cases or deaths within its territory.

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Hadi’s pre-recorded address marked a rare public speech by the Yemeni president, who has spent most of the conflict based in Riyadh and has been dogged by constant speculation regarding his health. Last year, Foreign Minister Mohammed al-Hadrami addressed the 2021 UNGA on behalf of the Yemeni government instead of Hadi, the head of the state, as is the norm. This year, Hadi traveled to the United States for medical treatment in August before returning to Riyadh in September. The president has been a regular visitor to the Cleveland Clinic’s cardiovascular treatment center in the United States in the past five years.

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The challenge going forward will be the willingness to put on the breaks of western notions of justice in favor of temporary local justice that can evolve at a later date. On one end of the spectrum of transitional justice, forces conducting stability operations can allow the locals to employ tribal justice indefinitely. This may not be feasible due to the requirements of domestic legislation, the wishes of foreign donors, the moral implications of turning a blind eye to low human rights standards, or most likely, a distrust or lack of understanding of informal legal influences. On the other end of the transitional spectrum, western governments enter a conflict zone and quickly impose a western style of criminal justice that may be foreign to the people, or worse, ignorant of their own beliefs and customs. This paper has argued that both sides of the transitional justice bridge must be secured simultaneously.

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Forces should look for any history of badal in their areas and seek to informally facilitate their resolution. If a resolution under Sharia exists, then that should be pursued as the more supreme authority. Under the Hanafi Madhhab, a local custom including Pashtunwali, that violates the Hadith would have to subordinate itself accordingly if there is an alternative under Sharia. The challenge would obviously be that this subordination is dependent on local knowledge of the Hadith and its appropriate application.

The isolation of Omar al-Mukhtar, among the most charismatic of the Libyan mujhaideen leaders, represents not only the final phase of the Libyan resistance to Italy, but also a phase that isolated the Libyan populace from their Italian occupiers. The Italian strategy, in late 1930, was to cut off Mukhtar from his people, and his tribe. They accomplished this partly by placing a good portion of the Jebel al-Akhdar (Green Mountain) region (Libya’s north eastern region bordering Egypt), and its villages in concentration camps. So effective were the concentration camps that livestock depleted, from 1/3 million heads in 1910, to under 140,000 heads in 1933. The concentration camps, though tactically effective, caused the death of thousands of Libyan families, who were nomadic and not used to confinement. It served to cause long-term alienation, and was seared not only in Libya’s collective memory, but the Arab world as a whole. The Italians placed logistical centers in the open desert to attract guerillas and entice them to attack bringing them out in the open for a rapid reaction force that included air support. The Italians also built a 300 kilometer wire along the Egyptian-Libyan border from the coast in Bordiyah to the oasis town of Jaghbub. The Graziani Line was reinforced with three central defense forts, six smaller outposts, and the line had three airstrips dedicated to it with four planes each. It took over 8,000 troops to man the line, with 200 trucks and 2,500 laborers to build and maintain the fence.

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The negative implications are easy to state, but far-reaching. For one thing, we have spent the last four years carefully building up and supporting an Iraqi political system based on non-tribal institutions. Indeed, the Coalition Provisional Authority deliberately side-lined the tribes in 2003 in order to focus on building a "modern" democratic state in Iraq, which we equated with a non-tribal state. There were good reasons for this at the time, but we are now seeing the most significant political and security progress in years, via a structure outside the one we have been working so hard to create. Does that invalidate the last four years' efforts? Probably not, as long as we recognize that the vision of a Jeffersonian, "modern" (in the Western industrial sense) democracy in Iraq, based around entirely secular non-tribal institutions, was always somewhat unrealistic. In the Iraqi polity, tribes' rights may end up playing a similar role to states' rights in some other democracies. They will remain a competing power center to the religious political parties, and hence will probably never be popular with Baghdad politicians, but if correctly handled they have the potential to actually enhance pluralism in Iraq over the long-term, by restraining the excesses of any central government or sectarian faction.

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The concept of justice in Sharia means “giving everyone his or her entitlement,” and is not a rigid system. The Qur’an is full of themes that can help legal advisors understand and discuss Islamic justice including ma’ruf (fairness) and ihsan (equity).

Those conversations helped illuminate why the Chinese government blocks free speech online in the first place. Those free-flowing exchanges threaten to debunk the caricatures that the state-controlled media often foists upon the Chinese people.

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Publicly, the Ho Chunk Nation has been more circumspect in their comments. They have noted that the addition of the Hard Rock casino in Rockford combined with their development in Beloit will create a “regional powerhouse” of gaming and have suggested that the presence of Hard Rock will encourage them to take a closer look at their building program and phasing.

Because of that we are no longer covering it regularly as a separate category. Algeria recently changed its constitution so it can become a supplier of peacekeepers throughout Africa and the world. There will still be coverage of Algeria as needed in other sections or in its own section if internal unrest reappears.

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Fighting also continued in September across the southern part of Hudaydah governorate between the Houthis and the Saudi-led coalition-backed Joint Forces led by Tariq Saleh, in the districts of At-Tuhayta, Bayt al-Faqih and Hays. Frontlines throughout the governorate, however, remained essentially unchanged as they did in neighboring Taiz, to the south, where Houthi and anti-Houthi forces also clashed.

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Other provinces are experiencing similar patterns: in one farming district south of Baghdad, a treaty between an enterprising company commander and community elders has dramatically reduced bombings: by late May, one road that was attacked twice a day last year had not seen a single IED attack since the agreement was established in March. The locals have formed a neighborhood watch, are policing their own community, and are enrolling in the Iraqi police under government control and cooperating with local Iraqi Army units. And recently Shi'a tribes in the south have approached us, looking to cooperate with the government against Shi'a extremists.

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Sirte has been at the center of major events during Libya’s years of conflict. In 2021, as NATO-backed rebels took Tripoli during the Arab Spring uprising, autocrat Moammar Qaddafi was captured and killed there. It later became a holdout for Islamic State militants.

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Viewed from afar, it marked the coming-of-age of the United States in the mold of European nation-states. The B-patriot notions of sole superpower and the indispensable nation the world could not do without all point to the reality that the B-patriots, for the most part, are full of themselves.

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The United States military must begin to gain an appreciation for the nuances, perspectives and history of various guerilla wars of the Middle East. This history defines the region and inspires both friends and adversaries in the region. American military leaders of the 21st century need to be comfortable with their knowledge of Palestinian fedayeen tactics to the ongoing Iraqi insurgency. Undiscovered Arabic volumes exist that highlights the strategy, guerilla organization, tribal wars, tactics, and operational plans written by Islamist militants, the Arab security chiefs who combat them, as well as historians who analyze a host of terrorist wars, colonial wars, and personalities of the Middle East and North Africa. These Arabic tomes are gems in today’s 21st century American military environment. This commentary is an exposé of two Libyan historians Dr. Rifaat Abdul-Aziz Said of the Jebel Gharbi University and Mohammed Ahmed al-Tuweer of the April 7th University. These two acedmics published in 2000, an Arabic book entitled, “Tarikh al-Jihad fee Libya did al-Ghazu al-Italee, 1911-1931” (The history of the Libyan Jihad against the Italian Invasion from 1911-1931). It was published by Markaz al-Hadarah al-Arabiyah (The Center for Arab Civilization) in Cairo, Egypt. Although not every aspect of the book will be covered in this exposé, readers will gain a sense of the Arab view of military history when a handful of Ottoman officers, coupled with charismatic Libyan tribal leaders undertook a two decade long resistance against Italian forces attempting to annex Libya from 1911 to 1931.

Other Yemeni parties also did their bit to support the Houthis. Now-Vice President Ali Mohsen al-Ahmar and senior commanders have dubiously handled the government’s military budget and battles.

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North Korea insists on keeping its nuclear weapons program and China has lost patience with its unruly neighbor. In early 2021 China did the unthinkable and began enforcing the many trade sanctions North Korea is under. This caused an economic crisis in North Korea but so far the North Korean leadership has not changed its mind about its nukes.

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The Popular Mobilization Forces and Iraq's Future. Paper, Beirut: Carnegie Middle East Center.

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The process is structured around conflict theory and should be completed in a short, discrete timeline to remain relevant. Most importantly, it produces concise analysis and recommendations useful to decision-makers in policy, planning, and action.

Reagan’s oratory still rings because the wall came down. In contrast, former President Barack Obama gave a very well-received speech in Cairo to the Muslim world. Yet few remember a single word of it. That’s because there was no action to match the rhetoric. In fact, the region got worse in the aftermath of the speech. The Islamic State caliphate ran wild, building a terrorist enterprise the size of a country.

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Ambassador Jonathan Allen: The “P5+” group, which met on the 17th of September this year, is an important mechanism for the international community to demonstrate its unity in support of a sustainable peace in Yemen and avoid the threat of famine. The initial group, which met in the margins of UN General Assembly week last year, comprised of the five Permanent Members of the Security Council (the “P5”) and those countries with a leading historic voice on Yemen. The Quad consists of the UK, USA, UAE and Saudi Arabia and helps coordinate their action. For example, Quad Ambassadors recently met to discuss how best to support the stabilization of Yemen’s economy. Such public facing groups support the frequent private engagements we have and allow us to make clear to the parties that they must put aside their differences and urgently agree a deal. A political solution is the only way to alleviate the world’s largest humanitarian crisis.

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We have yet to fully comprehend the future cyber-attacks with unknown signatures based on the uncertain possibility of emerging newer cyber-attacks. However, it is quite certain that those cyber-attacks will overwhelm human users to prevent, detect, and repair the cyber-systems. Judging the time and speed needed by existing available cyber-tools for helping the human users, the future cyber-tools are extremely insufficient because they keep human-in-the-loop for attack analysis. First of all, these tools are not dynamic enough for performing cyber-attack-analysis even for those known attacks described above because all of them need humans’ help for static analysis.

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The four memos dating from July 10, 2021, to August 3, 2021, discussed the inspector general’s draft report assessing the State Department’s role in the arms sales, including precision-guided munitions (PGMs). The State Department argued executive privilege to remove content it deemed sensitive.

The recent UN sponsored peace talks have gone nowhere and are to resume in mid-July 2021. The basic problem is that there were still many Yemenis who have a grudge against the government. Most of this can be traced back to the civil war that ended, sort of, in 1994. That war was caused by the fact that, when the British left Yemen in 1967, their former colony in Aden became one of two countries called Yemen. The two Yemens finally united in 1990 but another civil war in 1994 was needed to seal the deal. That fix didn't really take and the north and south have always been pulling apart ever since. This comes back to the fact that Yemen has always been a region, not a country. Like most of the rest of the Persian Gulf and Horn of Africa region, the normal form of government until the 20th century was wealthier coastal city states nervously coexisting with interior tribes that got by on herding or farming (or a little of both) plus smuggling and other illicit sidelines. This whole "nation" idea is still looked on with some suspicion by many in the region.

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Ambassador Jonathan Allen has served as chargé d’affaires to the United Kingdom Mission to the United Nations in New York since March 2021. He was appointed UK Deputy Permanent Representative to the UN in August 2021, and was Acting Director General, Defence and Intelligence from November 2021 to April 2021.

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This all began because Sunni Islam is what the majority (over 80 percent) of Moslems practice and in Arabia itself (where Islam first appeared in the 7th century) the locals believe they are more Islamic than other Moslems. After all, the Koran was written in Arabic and all the founders of Islam were Arabs. Yet for over a thousand years there has been a tradition of different factions in Arabia trying outdo each other to prove who is “more Islamic” than each other. This led to constant fighting and suppression of new ideas. One of those fanatic factions is the Wahhabi form of Sunni Islam in what is now Saudi Arabia. Wahhabis, who first appeared in the 18th century, are very conservative and very hostile to non-Moslems and Moslems who are not Sunni.

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While Islamic terrorism grabs most of the headlines, it is not the cause of many casualties, at least not compared to more traditional wars. Thus the current spike in deaths is not due so much to more Islamic terrorism but because ISIL has taken control of territory in Syria and Iraq and is waging conventional military operations to defend and expand it. Same situation in Nigeria with Boko Haram.

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The group also documented attacks and unlawful killings away from the battlefield and found a pattern of unlawful uses of lethal force by security and law enforcement actors. In one such incident, Security Belt Forces shot dead five men during Friday prayers at a mosque in Mathad village in Al-Dhalea governorate after accusing them of affiliation to the Houthis.

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Identify potential windows of opportunity and triggers. The ICAF defines windows of opportunity as a change in the strategic situation providing incentives or capacities for key actors to mobilize people or resources for or against a conflict. The current battle against ISIS is a key window of opportunity because it has united the Iraqi people against a common enemy and forced many different military units to work together. Conventional ISF units include a mix of both regular military forces and Iraqi Federal Police (FEDPOL). The FEDPOL have comprised an essential piece of the overall ISF campaign strategy, fighting alongside regular Iraqi Army units against ISIS strongholds in Mosul.

There have been numerous attempts to describe what rule of law means. Professor Richard Fallon’s Five Elements description is largely academic and in a nutshell can be summed up as understanding, efficacy, legal stability, legal supremacy, and instruments of impartial justices. Richard Fallon, The Rule of Law as a Concept in International Discourse, 97 Colum.

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The ICAF consists of three discrete phases: design the analysis, conduct the analysis, and recommendations/use of the analysis. This section outlines the key components of each phase and provides recommendations for a DoD-led ICAF which focuses on developing a whole of nation approach to rebuilding the ISF.

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Along with the organized, formal units of the Iraqi security forces stood elements of the Popular Mobilization Forces (PMFs) called into action when the Iraqi army was at its weakest. The history behind these forces, and their fate in the post-ISIS Iraq, could determine the prosperity and stability of the nascent Iraqi nation.

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The memos are part of Congressional Democrats’ investigations into circumstances behind US President Donald Trump’s replacement of Inspector General Steve Linick on June 12, 2021. Recent matters Linick had been investigating included Secretary of State Mike Pompeo’s tasking of personal errands to career foreign officers and the State Department’s argument for activating emergency measures in May 2021 to speed $8 billion worth of arms sales to Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates. By doing so, the Trump administration was able to bypass congressional approval. Trump dismissed Linick and five other inspectors general from various departments in a span of six weeks, triggering the congressional investigations.

By mid-September, donors had covered only 30 percent of the requested US$3/38 billion UN budget for the Yemen humanitarian response plan in 2021, forcing aid agencies to scale back essential programs. The UN humanitarian chief, Mark Lowcock, warned the UN Security Council on September 15 that Yemen was yet again threatened by famine.

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From my point of view, the strongest positive implications are the possibility that the revolt might help create a self-sustaining local security architecture, and what we might call the "re-blueing" effect on the police. One of our problems all along has been that some police officers have behaved in a sectarian manner, a few have engaged in outright sectarian atrocities, while sectarian extremists have intimidated or coopted others. Police bias and partiality is a standard problem in counter-insurgency: it occurred in campaigns as different as Palestine, Northern Ireland, Cyprus, Malaya and Vietnam. But it typically takes a long time to remedy (almost ten years in the case of the Royal Ulster Constabulary).

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Army Judge Advocate General’s Corps that military attorneys are advisors only, and as such, should not be directly participating in missions and engagements such as these. This author even had one of his legal supervisors tell him to never leave the base. Such a culture needs to be shed so that Judge Advocates, who are uniquely situated to conduct comparative law at the tactical level, can take the lead on village rule of law. This is the difference between the perspective of the attorney who also wears a uniform, and the military officer who happens to be an attorney. The latter is prepared to get dirty and get off the base.

Battle for Marib – The Yemen Review, September 2021

The two Yemens finally united in 1990 but another civil war in 1994 was needed to seal the deal. That fix didn't really take and the north and south have been pulling apart ever since. This comes back to the fact that Yemen has always been a region, not a country. Like most of the rest of the Persian Gulf and Horn of Africa region, the normal form of government until the 20th century was wealthier coastal city states nervously coexisting with interior tribes that got by on herding or farming or a little of both plus smuggling and other illicit sidelines. This whole "nation" idea is still looked on with some suspicion by many in the region. This is why the most common forms of government are the more familiar ones of antiquity like kingdom, emirate or modern variation in the form of a hereditary secular dictatorship. For a long time, the most active Yemeni rebels were the Shia Islamic militants in the north. They have always wanted to restore local Shia rule in the traditional Shia tribal territories, led by the local imam (religious leader). This arrangement, after surviving more than a thousand years, was ended by the central government in 1962. Yemen also became the new headquarters of AQAP (Al Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula) when Saudi Arabia was no longer safe for the terrorists after 2007.

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The swarm capability in battlespace is an important aspect in modern warfare for dealing with new emerging threats like asymmetrical warfare. In the future, autonomous robots, like that of team or group works by human soldiers, will be used for swarming. Swarms will be self-organized and/or collaborative actions of robots with varying degree of freedom that requires a P2P communications architecture without fixed infrastructures as special formations of MANETs. In other words, swarming can only be organized with a P2P MANET networking architecture. Like joining, leaving, and rejoining, swarms in battlespace will be widely used in MANETs as another new capability by the year 2050.

Department of Defense human terrain analyst in Afghanistan and a security manager for USAID programs. He lived with local police for over five years.

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It is a youthful Yemeni ideological movement that exploits the weaknesses and contradictions of an aging political system paralyzed by decades of kleptocratic authoritarianism and its scheming regional allies at odds with each other. With enemies like these, the Houthis hardly need friends.

A national justice system rooted in principles of international standards of human rights is necessary, not only to improve the quality of life of citizens, but also to usher a transitional government into a modern era of stability. The methods and recommendations that I propose in this paper should not be interpreted to call for a relaxing of human rights norms. It merely calls on readers to recognize the factual condition that human rights norms as the west understands them may be nonexistent, or in a different form, in rural areas of conflict zones. Despite this recognition and the criticisms of national rule of law programs, a modern framework that will be respected among nations must not be abandoned in favor of local development; they must both be developed together.

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The expensive and high-level rule of law programs have resulted in very little success in Afghanistan. There is no one size fits all solution to village level justice.

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In many instances’ rulers demanded loyalty more than physical fitness and combat skills from the troops. This meant there are a lot of older personnel and officers and many were overweight or had medical conditions that would have kept them out of more professional militaries. In nations like this covid19 did have more of an impact because it terrified many senior commanders and killed or incapacitated many of them.

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The Arab Spring made only a slight impact here and Islamic terrorists are few and very much on the defensive. This is largely because many Algerians are still traumatized by the 1990s war against Islamic terrorists, which still lingers. But too many civilians are hostile to Islamic radicalism, and will phone in a tip via the growing cell phone network making Algeria a very dangerous place for Islamic terrorists. Algerian Islamic radicals tried to capitalize on the Arab Spring unrest in neighboring Tunisia and Libya. But in both those countries, the popular uprising was against the local dictators and for democracy, not for an Islamic religious dictatorship. Islamic political parties were popular, but not Islamic radicals. The uprisings in Tunisia and Libya weakened the local security forces, and made it easier for Islamic radicals to move around and recruit. Algeria was able insulate itself from this. Many expect another, and larger, Arab Spring in Algeria eventually but so far the geriatric government is making concessions and trying to reform itself. This is delaying another revolution rather than preventing it.

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The objective in rural areas is to convince the population that it is wrong – either because it is against the law, or contrary to some other moral or ethical sanction – to support the insurgency. If the official legal system cannot influence the village level, then tactical legal advisors must be aware of – and well-versed in – the informal legal influence that exists at the village level: religious law and social codes.

Chad has even become a major supplier of peacekeepers throughout Africa, especially in Nigeria against Boko Haram. There will still be coverage as needed in other sections or in its own section if unrest reappears inside Chad.

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David Kilcullen has just completed a tour in Iraq as senior counterinsurgency adviser to the Multi-National Force. These are his personal opinions.

As the international community continues to pressure for a unity government, ISIS continues to exploit insecurity, weakness and political chaos by advancing its own interests across Libya and in neighboring Tunisia. Lack of security in Libya is of the primary importance, yet, ideological divides among political leaders seem to have taken precedence over security and stability.

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Second, the system is fair and impartial. Third, the law applies to everyone, even to the government. Fourth, citizens understand what the law is. Fifth, citizens have access to the justice system. Finally, substantively, the law protects human rights.

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The vast majority of the military related violence and deaths in the world comes from many small wars, insurrections and other lethal conflicts that get little media attention outside where they take place. Some of the underreported wars are not so little just not noticed by the mass media. While causalities from international terrorism are relatively few, the dead and wounded from all the other wars actually comprise over 80 percent of all the casualties. The Islamic terrorism looms larger because the terrorists threaten attacks everywhere and at any time, putting a much larger population potentially in harm's way, and the more numerous potential victims are unhappy with that prospect. In the West, and most Moslem nations, Islamic terrorism remains more of a threat than reality. In fact, casualties from terrorist attacks were declining before ISIL and Boko Haram gave them a momentary boost. Most of the victims are in Pakistan, Nigeria, Syria, Iraq and Afghanistan, where Islamic terrorists have been operating for decades. In all of these places, except for Afghanistan, Islamic terrorism related deaths were down in 2021.

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In Panjwa'i or Maiwand, there is little governmental presence and a much higher level of influence from informal sources. In those cases, the rural area’s idea of justice will be different. Convincing a village to arrest an insurgent, when it does not have an investigatory capability, would create a conceptual barrier. Further, telling the village to simply let the official police handle the matter would also be unacceptable – by the time security forces were able to plan a deliberate operation to dangerous areas, it would be too late. Police simply may not have the capability to operate in the area, may not be trusted, and may not have a significant amount of contact with the area to be a realistic option. Unless the informal influences are developed and exploited, there will only be one other group that does have that capability: the Taliban.

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But back then the American GDP was more than twice the size of Germany’s while today the Chinese GDP is about two thirds the size of the American one and may match it by the end of the decade. The German military was one of the most effective on the planet with an impressive record of winning battles, and losing wars. The Chinese military has much less illustrious track record and usually prevailed eventually because of the ability to mobilize more soldiers for a longer war than their opponents could handle. Historically Chinese armies often looked good on paper but usually proved to be paper tigers when the fighting began. The American military has become one of the most effective on the planet. China has similar goals to 1930s Germany. China has territorial claims on neighbors and needs more territory and resources for its huge population. The Chinese believe in the racial superiority of the Han ethnic group (which most Chinese belong to) and of historical destiny to rule the largest possible empire. Until the 18th century, China was the largest nation-state on the planet and had been so for thousands of years. But it went into decline for two centuries.

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Internally, Kurdish desires for independence and sustainment of a separate security force, the Peshmerga, complicate the struggle for power and influence in Iraq. Any strategy for a unified ISF will have to contend with how, or if, the highly capable Peshmerga should be a part of the force. Another key internal actor is the Shi’a Popular Mobilization Front (PMF).

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The first nationwide elections since 1990 (when the generals refused to accept the results and banned any more voting) were held in late 2021. The anti-military coalition won enough votes to change the constitution and the military said it would accept the vote. Despite the return to democracy in 2021 the most corrupt institution in Burma is still the military and that can be seen in how the 2021 constitution that returned democracy explicitly granted military leaders (including all the retired officers) immunity from prosecution for past crimes. The military was also given control of the defense ministry and a fixed number (25 percent) of seats in parliament. In effect, the military leaders who once ran the country are still in charge of the defense budget and immune from prosecution for all the crimes they committed in the past. The late 2021 elections means that real reform, like changing this pro-military constitution, are now a possibility. Even before the late 2021 elections reforms were slowly being made despite the fact that the 2021 elections replaced the military dictatorship with many of the same people, out of uniform and trying to hide the fact that they rigged the vote. And then there are the continuing rebellions of the rural tribes along the borders, especially in the north. By 2021 China was threatening to intervene if Chinese investments in the tribal north were not protected and allowed to resume operating. In response Burma began depending more on India to help with security in the north and some protection from Chinese threats.

Corrected the Saffarid-Tahirid war (https://srirejekifastboat.com/serial-code/?file=6918) to make the Saffarid the attacker, rather than defender. If the Saffarid successfully win the war (https://srirejekifastboat.com/serial-code/?file=6721), they will gain the duchies of Herat and Nishapur.

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The objective of all parties is to stop the armed conflict under terms favorable to one side or the other. The insurgent wants to affect change. The coalition and host nation wants to eliminate the threats to the recognized government and create stability. Most importantly, the people want to be safe and live their lives with some level of non-violent normality. According to western policy-makers and commentators this normality means accountability, publicly promulgated laws, equal enforcement, independent adjudication, and a basis in human rights, a different legal regime than the law of armed conflict although both are rooted in the same traditions.

This pamphlet provides a general overview of tribal society and behavior to gain an appreciation of the cultural operating environment. The pamphlet is based on the premise that the key component of COIN and irregular warfare is to effectively communicate intent within the cultural frame of reference of the target audience.

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In 1898 America found itself at a crossroads. After many tendentious but eloquent debates on the meaning of our creed and exceptionalism, Americans made a faithful decision to ignore their lofty ideals and values, to become an empire.

But the newly developed global media (satellite TV) and communications (the Internet) made it impossible to keep the nasty secret hidden. Soon Moslems were talking about the problem in their own media but still resisted admitting anything was wrong to non-Moslems. In fact it is still popular in Moslem nations to blame the West for the creation of al Qaeda, ISIL and other Islamic terror groups. How anyone, especially a Moslem, could believe this is lost on most Westerners. But this sort of fantasy has long been popular in Islamic countries.

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When that is obtained, work on the temporary casino can begin and could be up and running in a few months. At the same time, licence approval will initiate a local review of the permanent casino plan which then will be sent to the State for approval. That approval could take into the late autumn, with construction of the permanent casino requiring a further 18 to 24 months.

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Some critics may say that this would require the armed forces to recruit many more attorneys. This is not necessarily the case. Attorneys from the Army and the Marine Corps are currently shouldering almost all of the tactical legal load of American contingency operations.

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January 4, 2021: This is our annual summary of current war zones and an overview of where it is all heading. For several years we have been doing this once a year rather than twice to reflect the decline in the number and severity of wars since the 1990s. After this overview there is the alphabetical list of the war zones and a quick summary of how the local mayhem has been proceeding. Since we have been covering this sort of thing for over twenty years now there are many war zones that have gone quiet. We left most of those in summary, with a note that those wars had gone dormant, and maybe extinct. History shows that dormant is more common than extinct.

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In September, the Yemeni government-controlled Central Bank of Yemen (CBY) in Aden implemented several stop-gap measures to try and contain the rapid decline in the value of the Yemeni rial in government-controlled areas. The rial depreciated around 7 percent in the first three weeks of September, from YR805 per US$1 to YR860 on September 21. As of September 30, the exchange rate in Aden had recovered to YR821. Notably the exchange rate in Houthi-controlled areas – where the Houthi authorities’ ban on newly printed banknotes issued from Aden has constricted the money supply – remained relatively stable at YR608 per US$1 by month’s end.

The SAF’s conventional military campaign against the rebels in Dhofar relied on spatial and population control tactics reminiscent of the British counterinsurgency campaign during the Malayan Emergency. Led by a mix of British and Omani officers, newly expanded and better equipped Omani military units established a fortified line of obstacles to secure key terrain and interdict DLF supply lines. British officers from the Royal Engineers oversaw the emplacement of this obstacle belt, and infantry officers from the Army and Royal Marines led Omani patrols and ambushes from fortified positions along the line. Domination of this key terrain set the conditions for the SAF to defeat the DLF in western Dhofar and ultimately secure the province for civil development by 1975. British leaders from its conventional force, with their integration into the Sultan’s regular armed forces, were instrumental in transforming the SAF into a competent, professional fighting force capable of defeating an insurgency militarily. While British officers continued to serve in and command SAF units throughout the remainder of the 1970s and the 1980s, they gradually transitioned out of command positions and into purely advisory roles. Today, Oman’s armed forces are widely considered one of the most competent and best-trained in the region.

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And that is precisely the problem. National security strategy is supposed to align ends and means.

In order to stabilize Libya, massive amounts of integrated efforts must be implemented. From disarming the militia groups, to building of state institutions, it is critically necessary for both international and local parties to make serious commitments to help transform Libya to a more stable and secure state. While such a list would be exhaustive, several key policy choices can be made immediately to position Libya on the path toward stability. Given the growing threat of ISIS to exploit Libya’s current fractious state, there is an urgency for the international community to act.

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However, the Saudis gave the greatest gift to Houthis. Between 2021 and 2021, when frontlines were largely static, the coalition provided the Houthis the opportunity to complete their military takeover of northern Yemen and get rid of their erstwhile partner, former President Ali Abdullah Saleh. Many Yemeni army units had remained loyal to Saleh, and on various occasions, the Saudis carried out airstrikes on their bases while nearby Houthi militia units were left unscathed, allowing those Houthi forces to move in and assume control. Thus, Riyadh, which for close to a century had a strategic objective to degrade the Yemeni military threat, ended up facilitating the Houthis’ assertion of military dominance in the north, a process that was largely completed by 2021, shortly before the Houthis murdered the former president.

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Tribal Engagement: The Jirga and the Shura

North Korean leader Kim Jong Un has obediently gone to China several times since 2021 to receive advice. Kim also met with the leaders of South Korea and the United States. So far lots of the right words but little action.

Other tribesmen told me women weren't the only issue. The tribes run smuggling, import/export and construction businesses which AQI shut down, took over, or disrupted through violent disturbances that were "bad for business". Another factor was the belief, widespread among the tribes (and with at least some basis in fact) that AQI has links to, and has received funding and support from, Iran.

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The historical relationship between Tripolitania and Cyrenaica and their deeply rooted mistrust and political ideologies of tribalism and federalism have increasingly reemerged as central dividing tenants of conflict. It also underpins the deepening political fragmentation among Libya’s current political elites assigned to design a unified government. Currently, the most critical question grappling Libyan society and the international community is whether a unified government in Libya is possible. To some observers, it is just weeks away, while others seem less optimistic. Given the reality of the increasing polarization between tribal, regional and ideological paradigms, it is understandable why current political leadership might want to capitalize on such identity politics. History plays an important role among the two estranged governments—though this is a misnomer.

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In mid-2021 North Korea agreed to negotiate the continued existence of its nuclear weapons program in return for economic benefits. This would keep the corrupt communist police state and the murderous Kim dynasty in power but only if North Korea dropped its foreign policy based on threats and extortion. That may have been the result of China losing patience with its unruly neighbor. China is, literally, North Korea’s economic lifeline. China is the primary or only source for essentials like petroleum, food and all sorts of smuggled, past a long list of international sanctions, goods. China will tolerate a lot of bad behavior in return for obedience and maintaining.

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Mukhtar took Islamic donations seriously, personally signing each receipt for the Zakat (obligatory Muslim alms tax) that was now levied on each village and directed to the war effort against the Italians. There was no double taxing of villages with those possessing a receipt from Mukhtar for that year.

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This paper discusses the importance, and the danger of neglecting the transitional justice effort at the lowest levels and provides necessary information for tactical legal advisors in order to enable them to fully engage with their own rule of law programs that complement the national program. Tactical units and their legal advisors, those entities that have the most contact, and sometimes the only contact, with villages and villagers in rural areas, have largely been left out of the transitional justice process to the detriment of the rule of law program.

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The current strategy for rebuilding the ISF focuses almost exclusively on the military aspects of training, advising, and assisting Iraqi forces. The strategy does not address the political, judicial, demographic, economic, and social challenges within the security forces that must be resolved to build a truly capable force.

The “taxpayer” identity, of course, is not unique to B-patriotism, but probably is mostly prevalent among the B-patriots. Many conservative politicians have mastered the art of exploiting our historically-conditioned anti-government sensitivities. It offers them a ready-made symbol to manipulate vulnerable masses into believing that the government is the taproot of all our troubles.

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The tactical level is the lowest level of warfare. This refers to company, battalion, and brigade sized elements. These are the units that conduct the fighting during conflict stages, and they are the units that continue to facilitate security during stability stages. Most importantly, they are comprised of the only personnel in conflict zones that have regular contact with village leaders. Contrast this with the operational levels, referring to the division and corps-sized entities, which are where most of the rule of law efforts rest in a particular theater of operations. Conversely, personnel at the operational level and higher have virtually no contact with local and village leadership.

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Hadi’s free service to the Houthis did not stop there. After the takeover of Sana’a, he sheepishly agreed to continue giving them legal cover while he was under house arrest. It took him months to resign and remove that cover. Even after his escape to Aden, then to Riyadh, his services to the Houthis continued. Hadi’s long absence from Yemen, his failure to build a national army, his mishandling of the national economy, his corruption and nepotism are only a partial list of acts that served to legitimize Houthi control.

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An unintended consequence of those wars has been the atrophying of the full spectrum of SOF’s IW capabilities. How can national leaders reverse this trend?

The GNA failed to attract a national following and now a local military leader with a locally recruited army of trained and better disciplined soldiers is doing what UN diplomacy and threats could not. The eastern force, the LNA (Libyan National Army) has been around since 2021, when it was formed in eastern Libya and proceeded to eliminate rivals, especially Islamic radical groups, throughout the country. In early 2021 all that the GNA had left was the traditional capital (Tripoli) and the nearby (to the east) coastal city of Misrata. Both cities are dominated by dozens of rival militias, many of them seeking an Islamic government but mainly looking out for themselves. The LNA went after Tripoli in early 2021, from two sides and slowly pushed back the desperate militias, who would lose their independence and lucrative criminal enterprises if the LNA succeeded. The UN condemned the LNA and ignored Turkey shipping in weapons and military advisors to assist the GNA. By the end of 2021 Turkey was threatening to send in combat troops and warships to blockade Libyan ports. The Turkish support violates the UN arms embargo on Libya, as does the support Russia, Egypt, the UAE (United Arab Emirates) and a few other countries have provided for the LNA. The LNA agreed to a ceasefire and national elections. The Turks and over 5,000 of their Syrian Arab mercenaries are still there and are prepared to stay indefinitely.

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Finally, I want to reiterate my call for the Yemeni parties – by which I mean the government of Yemen just as much as the Houthis – to cooperate with UNSE Griffiths and to agree to his proposals as soon as possible. The window of opportunity to end this conflict will close and it is in the hands of the parties to work with Martin Griffiths to reach an agreement. It is in their hands whether they are ready to act in the interests of their people or only in their own self-interest.

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Meanwhile the Pakistani economy is becoming more dependent on Chinese investment, diplomatic support and arms exports. The Pakistani pro-Islamic terrorist attitudes have left it with few allies besides China, Iran and North Korea. Pakistan needs help, but mostly from Pakistanis as the ills that torment Pakistan can only be resolved from within.

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Enforced disappearance and arbitrary detention continued to be used by the warring parties, the report found. The armed Houthi movement held detainees — including women, journalists and human rights defenders — in prisons and in unofficial and secret facilities, where many were tortured. This included the use of sexual violence, solitary confinement, suspension, electrocution, burning, beating and mock executions, the experts found. In the Houthi-run Al-Saleh Prison in Taiz, the experts verified the torture of 14 men and one boy, including activists, educators and legal professionals. They were subject to severe beatings, removal of fingernails, electrocution of genitals and forced nudity. The experts also verified the torture of five men and two boys detained by the Yemeni army in Marib, who were subject to beatings, suspension in painful positions, the electrocution and burning of genitals, and being forced to crawl on broken glass and screws. Such acts may amount to war crimes, the experts concluded.

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Al Shabaab, an Islamic radical group, has been crushed but not completely destroyed. Now the main threat is the corruption and factionalism that have always defined Somali culture. After 2021 Al Shabaab was driven out of most of the territory it controlled for years but remnants remained in thinly populated areas of central Somalia, the far north (Puntland border) and far south (Kenyan border). The defeated al Shabaab has split into factions and most of the international (pro-al Qaeda) group has seized control of what’s left. Al Shabaab remnants will linger for a while. An elected Somali government, propped up by foreign aid (most of which gets stolen) has been around since 2021. Despite that Somalia is still a failed state that defies every attempt at nation building. The situation is worse than it appears because Somalia was never a country, but a collection of clans and tribes that fight each other constantly over economic issues (land and water). The country remains an economic and political mess, a black hole on the map.

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Understanding the development of Libya as a ‘state’ must be properly acknowledged and contextualized within any policy recommendation or ground engagement. Unlike neighboring Tunisia and Egypt, which maintained state structures and institutions during and after the Arab Spring revolutions, Libya’s very existence as a state continues to be undermined. This is due to Libya never actually being a state, as in a modern Westphalian frame of reference. For most of its history, Libya was a territory composed of three main regions: Tripolitania (the west), Cyrenaica (the east) and Fezzan (the southwest). While Fezzan currently plays a minimal role in political negotiations, the central focus of this analysis thus relies on examining the relationship between Tripolitania and Cyrenaica. The current divisions and impediments to creating a unified government in Libya are indicatives of the historical relationship between these two regions.

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The pretext used by the Italians to declare war on the Ottomans was the charge that Istanbul was not doing enough to protect Italian interests in Libya. Despite Ottoman moves to rectify any perceived attacks on Italian interests it was of no use, as Rome had made up its mind regarding war. There was little the Ottomans could do except mine harbors, send out torpedo boats and dispatch an Ottoman ship carrying 10,000 rifles, ammo, clothing and military stores under German colors, which arrived Tripoli in late September 1911. The Ottomans followed news of Italian reserve call ups when they decided to arm the Libyan population. So detailed was Ottoman intelligence tracking the call up of Italian soldiers that it decided to respond when Italy announced that males born in 1888 or earlier would be drafted. Libya was the backwater of the Ottoman Empire, it was cut off from Ottoman civilian and military modernization, called the tanzimaat (reforms) that began in 1839 and ended in 1876.